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"There
hasn't been a single piece of law that has been passed
that doesn't take the charter into account"
Bob Rae - former
Ontario premier |
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Documents in History - A Primary View
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Canadahistory.com |
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Samuel de Champlain: The Foundation of Quebec, 1608
HAVING returned to France after a stay of
three years in New France, I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and
related to him the principal events of which I had been a
witness since his departure, and gave him the map and plan of
the most remarkable coasts and harbors there. Some time
afterward Sieur de Monts determined to continue his undertaking,
and complete the exploration of the interior along the great
river St. Lawrence, where I had been by order of the late King
Henry the Great in the year 1603, for a distance of some hundred
and eighty leagues, commencing in latitude 48E
40', that is, at Gaspé, at the entrance of the river, as far as
the great fall, which is in latitude 45E
and some minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats
could not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a
careful examination of it as we have since done.
Now, after Sieur de Monts had conferred with
me several times in regard to his purposes concerning the
exploration, he resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an
undertaking, notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the
past. He honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage; and, in
order to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, one
commanded by Pont Gravé, who was commissioned to trade with the
savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I was
to winter in the country.
Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying
the expenses of the expedition, obtained letters from his
majesty for one year, by which all persons were forbidden to
traffic in pelts with the savages, on penalties stated in the
following commission:
Henry by the Grace of God King of
France and Navarre, to our beloved and faithful
counselors, the officers of our admiralty in Normandy,
Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, marshals, provosts,
judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one of them,
according to his authority, throughout the extent of
their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting:
Acting upon the information which has
been given us by those who have returned from New
France, respecting the good quality and fertility of the
lands of that country, and the disposition of the people
to accept the knowledge of God, We have resolved to
continue the settlement previously undertaken there, in
order that our subjects may go there to trade without
hindrance. And in view of the proposition to us of Sieur
de Monts, gentleman in ordinary of our chamber, and our
lieutenant-general in that country, to make a
settlement, on condition of our giving him means and
supplies for sustaining the expense of it, it has
pleased us to promise and assure him that none of our
subjects but himself shall be permitted to trade in
pelts and other merchandise, for the period of one year
only, in the lands, regions, harbors, rivers, and
highways throughout the extent of his jurisdiction: this
we desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and other
considerations impelling us thereto, we command and
decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of
your powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in
our stead and carry out our will in distinctly
prohibiting and forbidding all merchants, masters, and
captains of vessels, also sailors and others of our
subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit out
any vessels in which to go themselves or send others in
order to engage in trade or barter in pelts and other
things with the savages of New France, to visit, trade,
or communicate with them during the space of one year,
within the jurisdiction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of
disobedience, and the entire confiscation of their
vessels, supplies, arms, and merchandise for the benefit
of Sieur de Monts; and, in order that the punishment of
their disobedience may be assured, you will allow, as we
have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur de Monts or his
lieutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest all
violators of our present prohibition and order, also
their vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and
victuals, in order to take and deliver them up to the
hands of justice, so that action may be taken not only
against the persons, but also the property of the
offenders, as the case shall require.
This is our will, and we bid you to
have it at once read and published in all localities and
public places within your authority and jurisdiction, as
you may deem necessary, by the first one of our officers
or sergeants in accordance with this requisition by
virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same,
properly attested once only by one of our well-beloved
and faithful counselors, notaries, and secretaries, to
which it is our will that credence should be given as to
the present original, in order that none of our subjects
may claim ground for ignorance, but that all may obey
and act in accordance with our will in this matter. We
order, moreover, all captains of vessels, mates, and
second mates, and sailors of the same, and others on
board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of
the aforesaid country, to permit, as we have done, Sieur
de Monts, and others possessing power and authority from
him, to search the aforesaid vessels which shall have
engaged in the fur trade after the present prohibition
shall have been made known to them. It is our will that,
upon the requisition of the aforesaid Sieur de Monts,
his lieutenants, and others having authority, you should
proceed against the disobedient and offenders, as the
case may require: to this end, we give you power,
authority, commission, and special mandate,
notwithstanding the act of our council of the 17th day
of July last, any hue and cry, Norman charter,
accusation, objection, or appeals of whatsoever kind; on
account of which and for fear of disregarding which, it
is our will that there should be no delay, and, if any
of these occur, we have withheld and reserved cognizance
of the same to ourselves and our council, apart from all
other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited the same
to all our courts and judges: for this is our pleasure.
Given at Paris the seventh day of
January, in the year of grace sixteen hundred and eight,
and the nineteenth of our reign. Signed, HENRY. And
lower down, by the king, Delomenie. And sealed with the
single label of the great seal of yellow wax. Collated
with the original by me, counselor, notary, and
secretary of the king.
I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation,
where I found the vessel of Pont Gravé in readiness. He left
port on the 5th of April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the
Grand Bank on the 15th of May, in latitude 45E
15'. On the 26th we sighted Cape St. Mary, in latitude 46E
45', on the Island of Newfoundland. On the 27th of the month we
sighted Cape St. Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and also the Island
of St. Paul, distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary. On
the 30th we sighted Isle Percée, and Gaspé, in latitude 48E
40', distant from seventy to seventy-five leagues.
On the 3d of June we arrived before
Tadoussac, distant from Gaspé from eighty to ninety leagues; and
we anchored in the roadstead of Tadoussac, a league distant from
the harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the
River Saguenay, and where there are sometimes violent winds,
bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the harbor of
Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to the first
fall on this river, which comes from the north-northwest. The
harbor is small, and can accommodate only about twenty vessels.
It has water enough, and is under shelter of the River Saguenay
and a little rocky island, which is almost cut by the river.
Elsewhere there are very high mountains, with little soil and
only rocks and sand, thickly covered with such wood as fir and
birch. There is a small pond near the harbor, shut in by
mountains covered with wood. There are two points at the mouth:
one on the southwest side, extending out nearly a league into
the sea, called Point St. Matthew, or otherwise Point aux
Allouettes; and another on the north-west side, extending out
one-eighth of a league, and called Point of all Devils, from the
dangerous nature of the place. The winds from the
south-south-east strike the harbor, which are not to be feared;
but those, however, from the Saguenay are. The two points above
mentioned are dry at low tide.
Our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as
the wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat
lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether Pont
Gravé had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop with the
pilot of Pont Gravé and a Basque, who came to inform me of what
had happened to them because they attempted to hinder the Basque
vessels from trading, according to the commission obtained by
Sieur de Monts from his Majesty, that no vessels should trade
without permission of Sieur de Monts, as well as expressed in
it; and that, notwithstanding the notifications which Pont Gravé
made in behalf of his Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly
carrying on their traffic; and that they have used their arms
and maintained themselves so well in their vessels that,
discharging all their cannon upon that of Pont Gravé, and
letting off many musket-shots, he was severely wounded, together
with three of his men, one of whom died, Pont Gravé meanwhile
making no resistance, for at the first shower of musketry he was
struck down. The Basques came on board of the vessel and took
away all the cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade,
notwithstanding the prohibition of the King, and that when they
were ready to set out from France they would restore to him his
cannon and ammunition, and that they were keeping them in order
to be in a state of security. Upon hearing all these particulars
I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, which we might have
easily avoided.
Now, after hearing from the pilot all these
things, I asked him why the Basque had come on board of our
vessel. He told me that he came in behalf of their master, named
Darache, and his companions to obtain assurance from me that I
would do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor. I
replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont Gravé.
The Basque said that, if I had need of anything in their power,
they would assist me accordingly. What led them to use this
language was simply their recognition of having done wrong, as
they confessed, and the fear that they would not be permitted to
engage in the whale-fishery. After talking at length, I went
ashore to see Pont Gravé, in order to deliberate as to what was
to be done. I found him very ill. He related to me in detail all
that had happened. We concluded that we could only enter the
harbor by force, and that the settlement must not be given up
for this year, so that we considered it best, in order not to
make a bad cause out of a just one, and thus work our ruin, to
give them assurances on my part so long as I should remain
there, and that Pont Gravé should undertake nothing against
them, but that justice should be done in France, and their
differences should be settled there. Darache, master of the
vessel, begged me to go on board, where he gave me a cordial
reception. After a long conference, I secured an agreement
between Pont Gravé and him, and required him to promise that he
would undertake nothing against Pont Gravé, or what would be
prejudicial to the King and Sieur de Monts; that, if he did the
contrary, I should regard my promise as null and void. This was
agreed to, and signed by each.
In this place were a number of savages who
had come for traffic in furs, several of whom came to our
vessels with their canoes, which are from eight to nine paces
long, and about a pace or pace and a half broad in their middle,
growing narrower toward the two ends. They are very apt to turn
over, in case one does not understand managing them, and are
made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by little ribs of
white cedar, very neatly arranged. They are so light that a man
can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight equal to that of a
pipe. When they want to go overland to a river where they have
business, they carry them with them. From Chouacoet along the
coast as far as the harbor of Tadoussac, they are all alike.
After this agreement, I had some carpenters set to work to fit
up a little barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying all
that was needed for our settlement, which, however, could not be
got ready before the last of June.
Meanwhile I managed to visit some parts of
the river Saguenay, a fine river, which has the incredible depth
of one hundred and fifty to two hundred fathoms. About fifty
leagues from the mouth of the harbor there is, as is said, a
great waterfall, descending from a very high elevation with
great impetuosity. There are some islands in this river, very
barren, being only rocks covered with small furs and heathers.
It is half a league broad in places, and a quarter of a league
at its mouth, where the current is so strong that at
three-quarters flood-tide in the river it is still running out.
All the land that I have seen consists only of mountains and
rocky promontories, for the most part covered with fir and
birch, a very unattractive country on both sides of the river.
In a word, it is mere wastes, uninhabited by either animals or
birds; for, going out hunting in places which seemed to me the
most pleasant, I found only some very small birds, such as
swallows and river birds, which go there in summer. At other
times there are none whatever, in consequence of the excessive
cold. The river flows from the north-west.
The savages told me that after passing the
first fall, they meet with eight others, when they go to a day's
journey without finding any. Then they pass ten others, and
enter a lake, which they are three days in crossing, and they
are easily able to make ten leagues a day upstream. At the end
of the lake there dwells a migratory people. Of the three rivers
which flow into this lake, one comes from the north, very near
the sea, where they consider it much colder than in their own
country; and the other two from other directions in the
interior, where are migratory savages, living only from hunting,
and where our savages carry the merchandise we give them for
their furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, and otter, which are
found there in large numbers, and which they then carry to our
vessels. These people of the north report to our savages that
they see the salt sea; and, if that is true, as I think it
certainly is, it can be nothing but a gulf entering the interior
on the north. The savages say that the distance from the north
sea to the port of Tadoussac is perhaps forty-five or fifty
days' journey, in consequence of the difficulties presented by
the roads, rivers and country, which is very mountainous, and
where there is snow for the most part of the year. This is what
I have definitely ascertained in regard to this river. I have
often wished to explore it, but could not do so without the
savages, who were unwilling that I or any of our party should
accompany them. Nevertheless, they have promised that I shall do
so. This exploration would be desirable, in order to remove the
doubts of many persons in regard to the existence of this sea on
the north, where it is maintained that the English have gone in
these latter years to find a way to China.
I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the
month to go to Quebec. We passed near the island called Hare
Island, distant six leagues from the above named port; it is two
leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the
southern shore. From Hare Island we proceeded to a little river,
dry at low tide, up which some seven hundred or eight hundred
paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon River, since we
caught some of these fish in it. Coasting along the north shore,
we came to a point extending into the river, which we called
Cape Dauphin, distant three leagues from Salmon River. Thence we
proceeded to another, which we named Eagle Cape, distant eight
leagues from Cape Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay,
at the extremity of which there is a little river dry at low
tide. From Eagle Cape we proceeded to Isle aux Coudres, a good
league distant, which is about a league and a half long. It is
nearly level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the
western side there are meadows, and rocky points extending some
distance out into the river On the south-west side it is very
reefy, yet very pleasant in consequence of the woods surrounding
it. It is distant about half a league from the northern shore,
where is a little river extending some distance into the
interior. We named it Riviere du Gouffre, since abreast of it
the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity; and, although it has
a calm appearance, it is always much agitated, the depth there
being great: but the river itself is shallow, and there are many
rocks at and about its mouth.
Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we
reached a cape which we named Cap de Tourmente, five leagues
distant; and we gave it this name because, however little wind
there may be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At
this point the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to
the Isle d=Orleans, a
distance of two leagues, on the south side of which are numerous
islands, low, covered with trees and very pleasant, with large
meadows, having plenty of game, some being, so far as I could
judge, two leagues in length, others a trifle more or less.
About these islands are many rocks, also very dangerous
shallows, some two leagues distant from the main land on the
south. All this shore, both north and south, from Tadoussac to
the Isle d=Orleans, is
mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, and
birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places one
could not make his way.
Now we passed along south of the Isle d'Orleans,
which is a league and a half distant from the main land and a
half a league on the north side, being six leagues in length,
and one in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On
the north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great
extent of woods and meadows there; but it is very dangerous
sailing, in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between
the main land and the island, on which are numerous fine oaks
and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods
wines and other trees such as we have in France. This place is
the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the great
river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues from its
mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrent of water on the
north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues in the interior:
it comes down from a height nearly twenty-five fathoms, above
which the land is level and pleasant, although further inland
are seen high mountains appearing to be from fifteen to twenty
leagues distant.
From the Isle d'Orleans
to Quebec the distance is a league. I arrived there on the 3rd
of July, when I searched for a place suitable for our
settlement; but I could find none more convenient or better
suited than the point of Quebec, so called by the savages, which
was covered with nut-trees. I at once employed a portion of our
workmen in cutting them down, that we might construct our
habitations there: one I set to sawing boards, another to making
a cellar and digging ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with
the barque to get supplies, which was promptly accomplished
through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work.
Some days after my arrival at Quebec a
locksmith conspired against the service of the king. His plan
was to put me to death, and, getting possession of our fort, to
put into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at
Tadoussac, beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a
knowledge of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way.
In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped to make
his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, as he
supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and presenting to
them prospects of acquiring riches. These four men, having been
won over, all promised to act in such a manner as to gain the
rest over to their side, so that, for the time being, I had no
one with me in whom I could put confidence, which gave them
still more hope of making their plan succeed; for four or five
of my companions, in whom they knew that I put confidence, were
on board of the barques, for the purpose of protecting the
provisions and supplies necessary for our settlement. In a word,
they were so skillful in carrying out their intrigues with those
who remained that they were on the point of gaining all over to
their cause, even my lackey, promising them many things which
they could not have fulfilled.
Being now all agreed, they made daily
different plans as to how they should put me to death, so as not
to be accused of it, which they found to be a difficult thing.
But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away their
reason and every possible difficulty, they determined to take me
while unarmed, and strangle me, or to give a false alarm at
night, and shoot me as I went out, in which manner they judged
that they would accomplish their work sooner than otherwise.
They made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty
that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded.
They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival
of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry
out their scheme.
On this very day one of our barques arrived,
with our pilot, Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the
barque was unloaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there
came to him a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du
Val, the head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had
promised the rest to do just as they did, but that he did not in
fact desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make
a disclosure in regard to it from fear of being poniarded.
Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make no
disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his
companions should discover it, they would put him to death. The
pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked him
to state the character of the plot which they wished to carry
out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to him:
"My friend you have
done well to disclose such a malicious design, and you show that
you are an upright man, and under the guidance of the Holy
Spirit. But these things cannot be passed by without bringing
them to the knowledge of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make
provision against them, and I promise you that I will prevail
upon him to pardon you and the rest. And I will at once,"
said the pilot, "go to
him without exciting any suspicion; and do you go about your
business, listening to all they may say, and not troubling
yourself about the rest."
The pilot came at once to me, in a garden
which I was having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to
me in a private place, where we could be alone. I readily
assented, and we went into the wood, where he related to me the
whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to
pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented to do,
although he ought to have addressed himself to me. He was
afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and harm him. I
told him that I was able to govern myself better than that in
such a matter, and desired him to have the man come to me, that
I might hear the statement. He went, and brought him all
trembling with fear lest I should do him harm. I reassured him,
telling him not to be afraid, that he was in a place of safety,
and that I should pardon him for all that he had done, together
with the others, provided he would tell me in full the truth in
regard to the whole matter, and the motive which had impelled
them to it. "Nothing,"
he said, "had impelled
them, except that they had imagined that, by giving up the place
into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, they might all
become rich, and that they did not want to go back to France."
He also related to me the remaining particulars in regard to
their conspiracy.
After having heard and questioned him, I
directed him to go about his work. Meanwhile I ordered the pilot
to bring up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles
of wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four
worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present
of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and that
he wished to share it with them. This they did not decline, and
at evening were on board the barque where he was to give them
the entertainment. I lost no time in going there shortly after,
and caused them to be seized and held until the next day. Then
were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had all get up,
for it was about ten o'clock in the evening, and pardoned them
all on condition that they would disclose to me the truth in
regard to all that had occurred, which they did, when I had them
retire.
The next day I took the depositions of all,
one after the other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of
the vessel, which I had put down in writing; and they were well
pleased, as they said, since they had lived only in fear of each
other, especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But
now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the
treatment which they had received. The same day I had six pairs
of handcuffs made for the authors of the conspiracy: one for our
surgeon, named Bonnerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom
the four conspirators had accused, which, however, proved false,
and consequently they were given their liberty.
This being done, I took my worthies to
Tadoussac, begging Pont Gravé to do me the favor of guarding
them, since I had as yet no secure place for keeping them, and
as we were occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another
object was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to
what should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he
had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec
with the prisoners, where we should have them confronted with
their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order justice
to be done according to the offense which they had committed.
I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten
the completion of our storehouse, so as to secure our
provisions, which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who
spared nothing, without reflecting how they could find more when
these failed; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the
storehouse should be completed and shut up. Pont Gravé arrived
some time after me, with the prisoners, which caused uneasiness
to the workmen who remained, since they feared that I should
pardon them, and that they would avenge themselves upon them for
revealing their wicked design. We had them brought face to face,
and they affirmed before them all which they had stated in their
depositions, the prisoners not denying it, but admitting that
they had acted in a wicked manner, and should be punished,
unless mercy might be exercised towards them; accusing, above
all, Jean du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a
conspiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du Val
knew not what to say, except that he deserved death, that all
stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged for mercy
upon himself and the others, who had given in their adherence to
his pernicious purposes.
After Pont Gravé and I, the captain of the
vessel, surgeon, mate, second mate, and other sailors had heard
their depositions and face to face statements, we adjudged that
it would be enough to put to death Du Val, as the instigator of
the conspiracy; and that he might serve as an example to those
who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly in
future, in the discharge of their duty; and that the Spaniards
and Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the country,
might not glory in the event. We adjudged that the three others
be condemned to be hung, but that they should be taken to France
and put into the hands of Sieur de Monts, that such ample
justice might be done them as he should recommend; that they
should be sent with all the evidence of their sentence, as well
as that of Jean du Val, who was strangled and hung at Quebec,
and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be set up in the
most conspicuous place on our fort. After all these occurrences,
Pont Gravé set out from Quebec, on the 18th of September, to
return to France with the three prisoners. After he had gone,
all who remained conducted themselves correctly in the discharge
of their duty.
I had the work of our quarters continued,
which was composed of three buildings of two stories. Each one
was three fathoms long, and two and a half wide, with a fine
cellar six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our
buildings, on the outside, at the second story, which proved
very convenient. There were also ditches, fifteen feet wide and
six deep. On the other side of the ditches I constructed several
spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points
where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is a
place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out upon
the riverbank. Surrounding the habitation are very good gardens,
and a place on the north side some hundred or hundred and twenty
paces long and fifty or sixty wide. Moreover, near Quebec, there
is a little river, coming from a lake in the interior, distant
six or seven leagues from our settlement. I am of the opinion
that this river, which is north a quarter north-west from our
settlement, is the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, since
there are still, a league up the river, remains of what seems to
have been a chimney, the foundation of which has been found, and
indications of there having been ditches surrounding their
dwelling, which was small. We found, also, large pieces of hewn,
worm-eaten timber, and some three or four cannon-balls. All
these things show clearly that there was a settlement there
founded by Christians; and what leads me to say and believe that
it was that of Jacques Cartier is the fact that there is no
evidence whatever that any one wintered and built a house in
these places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his
discoveries.
This place, as I think, must have been called
St. Croix, as he named it, which name has since been transferred
to another place fifteen leagues west of our settlement. But
there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place now
called St. Croix, nor in any other there, since in this
direction there is no river or other place large enough for
vessels except the main river or that of which I spoke above;
here there is a half a fathom of water at low tide, many rocks,
and a bank at the mouth, for vessels, if kept in the main river,
where there are strong currents and tides, and ice in the
winter, drifting along, would run the risk of being lost;
especially as there is a sandy point extending out into the
river, and filled with rocks, between which we have found,
within the last three years, a passage not before discovered;
but one must go through cautiously, in consequence of the
dangerous points there. This place is exposed to the north-west
winds; and the river runs as if it were a fall, the tide ebbing
two and a half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings here,
nor any indications that a man of judgment would settle in this
place, there being many other better ones, in case one were
obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been desirous of
speaking at length on this point, since many believe that the
abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not believe, for
the reasons here given; for Cartier would have left to posterity
a narrative of the matter, as he did in the case of all he saw
and discovered; and I maintain that my opinion is the true one,
as can be shown by the history which he has left in writing.
Source.
From: Oliver J. Thatcher, ed., The Library of Original
Sources (Milwaukee: University Research Extension Co.,
1907), Vol. V: 9th to 16th Centuries, pp. 342-354.
Scanned by Jerome S. Arkenberg, Cal. State Fullerton. The
text has been modernized by Prof. Arkenberg.
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