Introductory Note
Sir Humphrey Gilbert, the founder of the first English
colony in North America, was born about 1539, the son of a
Devonshire gentleman, whose widow afterward married the father
of Sir Walter Raleigh. He was educated at Eton and Oxford,
served under Sir Philip Sidney's father in Ireland, and fought
for the Netherlands against Spain. After his return he composed
a pamphlet urging the search for a northwest passage to Cathay,
which led to Frobisher's license for his explorations to that
end.
In 1578 Gilbert obtained from Queen Elizabeth the charter
he had long sought, to plant a colony in North America. His
first attempt failed, and cost him his whole fortune; but, after
further service in Ireland, he sailed again in 1583 for
Newfoundland. In the August of that year he took possession of
the harbor of St. John and founded his colony, but on the return
voyage he went down with his ship in a storm south of the
Azores.
The following narrative is an account of this last voyage
of Gilbert's, told by Edward Haies, commander of "The Golden
Hind," the only one to reach England of the three ships which
set out from Newfoundland with Gilbert.
The settlement at St. John was viewed by its promoter as
merely the beginning of a scheme for ousting Spain from America
in favor of England. The plan did not progress as he hoped; but
after long delays, and under far other impulses than Gilbert
ever thought of, much of his dream was realized.
Report of the Voyage
Part I
A report of the Voyage and success thereof, attempted in the
year of our Lord 1583, by Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Knight, with
other gentlemen assisting him in that action, intended to
discover and to plant Christian inhabitants in place convenient,
upon those large and ample countries extended northward from the
Cape of Florida, lying under very temperate climes, esteemed
fertile and rich in minerals, yet not in the actual possession
of any Christian prince. Written by Mr. Edward Haies, gentleman,
and principal actor in the same voyage,1 who alone
continued unto the end, and, by God's special assistance,
returned home with his retinue safe and entire.
[Footnote 1: Haies was captain and owner of the Golden
Hind, Gilbert's Rear-Admiral.]
[Footnote 2: Government.]
Many voyages have been pretended, yet hitherto never any
thoroughly accomplished by our nation, of exact discovery into
the bowels of those main, ample, and vast countries extended
infinitely into the north from thirty degrees, or rather from
twenty-five degrees, of septentrional latitude, neither hath a
right way been taken of planting a Christian habitation and
regiment2 upon the same, as well may appear both by
the little we yet do actually possess therein, and by our
ignorance of the riches and secrets within those lands, which
unto this day we know chiefly by the travel and report of other
nations, and most of the French, who albeit they cannot
challenge such right and interest unto the said countries as we,
neither these many years have had opportunity nor means so great
to discover and to plant, being vexed with the calamities of
intestine wars, as we have had by the inestimable benefit of our
long and happy peace, yet have they both ways performed more,
and had long since attained a sure possession and settled
government of many provinces in those northerly parts of
America, if their many attempts into those foreign and remote
lands had not been impeached by their garboils at home.
The first discovery of these coasts, never heard of before,
was well begun by John Cabot the father and Sebastian his son,
an Englishman born, who were the first finders out of all that
great tract of land stretching from the Cape of Florida unto
those islands which we now call the Newfoundland; all which they
brought and annexed unto the crown of England. Since when, if
with like diligence the search of inland countries had been
followed, as the discovery upon the coast and outparts thereof
was performed by those two men, no doubt her Majesty's
territories and revenue had been mightily enlarged and advanced
by this day; and, which is more, the seed of Christian religion
had been sowed amongst those pagans, which by this time might
have brought forth a most plentiful harvest and copious
congregation of Christians; which must be the chief intent of
such as shall make any attempt that way; or else whatsoever is
builded upon other foundation shall never obtain happy success
nor continuance.
And although we cannot precisely judge (which only belongeth
to God) what have been the humours of men stirred up to great
attempts of discovering and planting in those remote countries,
yet the events do shew that either God's cause hath not been
chiefly preferred by them, or else God hath not permitted so
abundant grace as the light of His word and knowledge of Him to
be yet revealed unto those infidels before the appointed time.
But most assuredly, the only cause of religion hitherto hath
kept back, and will also bring forward at the time assigned by
God, an effectual and complete discovery and possession by
Christians both of those ample countries and the riches within
them hitherto concealed; whereof, notwithstanding, God in His
wisdom hath permitted to be revealed from time to time a certain
obscure and misty knowledge, by little and little to allure the
minds of men that way, which else will be dull enough in the
zeal of His cause, and thereby to prepare us unto a readiness
for the execution of His will, against the due time ordained of
calling those pagans unto Christianity.
In the meanwhile it behoveth every man of great calling, in
whom is any instinct of inclination unto this attempt, to
examine his own motions, which, if the same proceed of ambition
or avarice, he may assure himself it cometh not of God, and
therefore cannot have confidence of God's protection and
assistance against the violence (else irresistible) both of sea
and infinite perils upon the land; whom God yet may use [as] an
instrument to further His cause and glory some way, but not to
build upon so bad a foundation. Otherwise, if his motives be
derived from a virtuous and heroical mind, preferring chiefly
the honour of God, compassion of poor infidels captived by the
devil, tyrannising in most wonderful and dreadful manner over
their bodies and souls; advancement of his honest and
well-disposed countrymen, willing to accompany him in such
honourable actions; relief of sundry people within this realm
distressed; all these be honourable purposes, imitating the
nature of the munificent God, wherewith He is well pleased, who
will assist such an actor beyond expectation of man. And the
same, who feeleth this inclination in himself, by all likelihood
may hope, or rather confidently repose in the preordinance of
God, that in this last age of the world (or likely never) the
time is complete of receiving also these gentiles into His
mercy, and that God will raise Him an instrument to effect the
same; it seeming probable by event of precedent attempts made by
the Spaniards and French sundry times, that the countries lying
north of Florida God hath reserved the same to be reduced unto
Christian civility by the English nation. For not long after
that Christopher Columbus had discovered the islands and
continent of the West Indies for Spain, John and Sebastian Cabot
made discovery also of the rest from Florida northwards to the
behoof of England.
And whensoever afterwards the Spaniards, very prosperous in
all their southern discoveries, did attempt anything into
Florida and those regions inclining towards the north, they
proved most unhappy, and were at length discouraged utterly by
the hard and lamentable success of many both religious and
valiant in arms, endeavouring to bring those northerly regions
also under the Spanish jurisdiction, as if God had prescribed
limits unto the Spanish nation which they might not exceed; as
by their own gests recorded may be aptly gathered.
The French, as they can pretend less title unto these
northern parts than the Spaniard, by how much the Spaniard made
the first discovery of the same continent so far northward as
unto Florida, and the French did but review that before
discovered by the English nation, usurping upon our right, and
imposing names upon countries, rivers, bays, capes, or headlands
as if they had been the first finders of those coasts; which
injury we offered not unto the Spaniards, but left off to
discover when we approached the Spanish limits; even so God hath
not hitherto permitted them to establish a possession permanent
upon another's right, notwithstanding their manifold attempts,
in which the issue hath been no less tragical than that of the
Spaniards, as by their own reports is extant.
Then, seeing the English nation only hath right unto these
countries of America from the Cape of Florida northward by the
privilege of first discovery, unto which Cabot was authorised by
regal authority, and set forth by the expense of our late famous
King Henry the Seventh; which right also seemeth strongly
defended on our behalf by the powerful hand of Almighty God
withstanding the enterprises of other nations; it may greatly
encourage us upon so just ground, as is our right, and upon so
sacred an intent, as to plant religion (our right and intent
being meet foundations for the same), to prosecute effectually
the full possession of those so ample and pleasant countries
appertaining unto the crown of England; the same, as is to be
conjectured by infallible arguments of the world's end
approaching, being now arrived unto the time by God prescribed
of their vocation, if ever their calling unto the knowledge of
God may be expected. Which also is very probable by the
revolution and course of God's word and religion, which from the
beginning hath moved from the east towards, and at last unto,
the west, where it is like to end, unless the same begin again
where it did in the east, which were to expect a like world
again. But we are assured of the contrary by the prophecy of
Christ, whereby we gather that after His word preached
throughout the world shall be the end. And as the Gospel when it
descended westward began in the south, and afterward spread into
the north of Europe; even so, as the same hath begun in the
south countries of America, no less hope may be gathered that it
will also spread into the north.
These considerations may help to suppress all dreads rising
of hard events in attempts made this way by other nations, as
also of the heavy success and issue in the late enterprise made
by a worthy gentleman our countryman, Sir Humfrey Gilbert,
Knight, who was the first of our nation that carried people to
erect an habitation and government in those northerly countries
of America. About which albeit he had consumed much substance,
and lost his life at last, his people also perishing for the
most part: yet the mystery thereof we must leave unto God, and
judge charitably both of the cause, which was just in all
pretence, and of the person, who was very zealous in prosecuting
the same, deserving honourable remembrance for his good mind and
expense of life in so virtuous an enterprise. Whereby
nevertheless, lest any man should be dismayed by example of
other folks' calamity, and misdeem that God doth resist all
attempts intended that way, I thought good, so far as myself was
an eye-witness, to deliver the circumstance and manner of our
proceedings in that action; in which the gentleman was so
unfortunately encumbered with wants, and worse matched with many
ill-disposed people, that his rare judgment and regiment
premeditated for those affairs was subjected to tolerate abuses,
and in sundry extremities to hold on a course more to uphold
credit than likely in his own conceit happily to succeed.
The issue of such actions, being always miserable, not guided
by God, who abhorreth confusion and disorder, hath left this for
admonition, being the first attempt by our nation to plant, unto
such as shall take the same cause in hand hereafter, not to be
discouraged from it; but to make men well advised how they
handle His so high and excellent matters, as the carriage is of
His word into those very mighty and vast countries. An action
doubtless not to be intermeddled with base purposes, as many
have made the same but a colour to shadow actions otherwise
scarce justifiable; which doth excite God's heavy judgments in
the end, to the terrifying of weak minds from the cause, without
pondering His just proceedings; and doth also incense foreign
princes against our attempts, how just soever, who cannot but
deem the sequel very dangerous unto their state (if in those
parts we should grow to strength), seeing the very beginnings
are entered with spoil.
And with this admonition denounced upon zeal towards God's
cause, also towards those in whom appeareth disposition
honourable unto this action of planting Christian people and
religion in those remote and barbarous nations of America (unto
whom I wish all happiness), I will now proceed to make relation
briefly, yet particularly, of our voyage undertaken with Sir
Humfrey Gilbert, begun, continued, and ended adversely.
When first Sir Humfrey Gilbert undertook the western
discovery of America, and had procured from her Majesty a very
large commission to inhabit and possess at his choice all remote
and heathen lands not in the actual possession of any Christian
prince, the same commission exemplified with many privileges,
such as in his discretion he might demand, very many gentlemen
of good estimation drew unto him, to associate him in so
commendable an enterprise, so that the preparation was expected
to grow unto a puissant fleet, able to encounter a king's power
by sea. Nevertheless, amongst a multitude of voluntary men,
their dispositions were diverse, which bred a jar, and made a
division in the end, to the confusion of that attempt even
before the same was begun. And when the shipping was in a manner
prepared, and men ready upon the coast to go aboard, at that
time some brake consort, and followed courses degenerating from
the voyage before pretended. Others failed of their promises
contracted, and the greater number were dispersed, leaving the
General with few of his assured friends, with whom he adventured
to sea; where, having tasted of no less misfortune, he was
shortly driven to retire home with the loss of a tall ship and,
more to his grief, of a valiant gentleman, Miles Morgan.
Having buried, only in a preparation, a great mass of
substance, whereby his estate was impaired, his mind yet not
dismayed, he continued his former designment, and purposed to
revive this enterprise, good occasion serving. Upon which
determination standing long without means to satisfy his desire,
at last he granted certain assignments out of his commission to
sundry persons of mean ability, desiring the privilege of his
grant, to plant and fortify in the north parts of America about
the river of Canada; to whom if God gave good success in the
north parts (where then no matter of moment was expected), the
same, he thought, would greatly advance the hope of the south,
and be a furtherance unto his determination that way. And the
worst that might happen in that course might be excused, without
prejudice unto him, by the former supposition that those north
regions were of no regard. But chiefly, a possession taken in
any parcel of those heathen countries, by virtue of his grant,
did invest him of territories extending every way 200 leagues;
which induced Sir Humfrey Gilbert to make those assignments,
desiring greatly their expedition, because his commission did
expire after six years, if in that space he had not gotten
actual possession.
Time went away without anything done by his assigns; insomuch
that at last he must resolve himself to take a voyage in person,
for more assurance to keep his patent in force, which then
almost was expired or within two years. In furtherance of his
determination, amongst others, Sir George Peckham, Knight,
shewed himself very zealous to the action, greatly aiding him
both by his advice and in the charge. Other gentlemen to their
ability joined unto him, resolving to adventure their substance
and lives in the same cause. Who beginning their preparation
from that time, both of shipping, munition, victual, men, and
things requisite, some of them continued the charge two years
complete without intermission. Such were the difficulties and
cross accidents opposing these proceedings, which took not end
in less than two years; many of which circumstances I will omit.
The last place of our assembly, before we left the coast of
England, was in Cawset Bay, near unto Plymouth, then resolved to
put unto the sea with shipping and provision such as we had,
before our store yet remaining, but chiefly the time and season
of the year, were too far spent. Nevertheless, it seemed first
very doubtful by what way to shape our course, and to begin our
intended discovery, either from the south northward or from the
north southward. The first, that is, beginning south, without
all controversy was the likeliest; wherein we were assured to
have commodity of the current which from the Cape of Florida
setteth northward, and would have furthered greatly our
navigation, discovering from the foresaid cape along towards
Cape Breton, and all those lands lying to the north. Also, the
year being far spent, and arrived to the month of June, we were
not to spend time in northerly courses, where we should be
surprised with timely winter, but to covet the south, which we
had space enough then to have attained, and there might with
less detriment have wintered that season, being more mild and
short in the south than in the north, where winter is both long
and rigorous. These and other like reasons alleged in favour of
the southern course first to be taken, to the contrary was
inferred that forasmuch as both our victuals and many other
needful provisions were diminished and left insufficient for so
long a voyage and for the wintering of so many men, we ought to
shape a course most likely to minister supply; and that was to
take the Newfoundland in our way, which was but 700 leagues from
our English coast. Where being usually at that time of the year,
and until the fine of August, a multitude of ships repairing
thither for fish, we should be relieved abundantly with many
necessaries, which, after the fishing ended, they might well
spare and freely impart unto us. Not staying long upon that
Newland coast, we might proceed southward, and follow still the
sun, until we arrived at places more temperate to our content.
By which reasons we were the rather induced to follow this
northerly course, obeying unto necessity, which must be
supplied. Otherwise, we doubted that sudden approach of winter,
bringing with it continual fog and thick mists, tempest and rage
of weather, also contrariety of currents descending from the
Cape of Florida unto Cape Breton and Cape Race, would fall out
to be great and irresistible impediments unto our further
proceeding for that year, and compel us to winter in those north
and cold regions. Wherefore, suppressing all objections to the
contrary, we resolved to begin our course northward, and to
follow, directly as we might, the trade way unto Newfoundland;
from whence, after our refreshing and reparation of wants, we
intended without delay, by God's permission, to proceed into the
south, not omitting any river or bay which in all that large
tract of land appeared to our view worthy of search. Immediately
we agreed upon the manner of our course and orders to be
observed in our voyage; which were delivered in writing, unto
the captains and masters of every ship a copy, in manner
following.
Every ship had delivered two bullets or scrolls, the one
sealed up in wax, the other left open; in both which were
included several watchwords. That open, serving upon our own
coast or the coast of Ireland; the other sealed, was promised on
all hands not to be broken up until we should be clear of the
Irish coast; which from thenceforth did serve until we arrived
and met all together in such harbours of the Newfoundland as
were agreed for our rendez-vous. The said watchwords being
requisite to know our consorts whensoever by night, either by
fortune of weather, our fleet dispersed should come together
again; or one should hail another; or if by ill watch and
steerage one ship should chance to fall aboard of another in the
dark.
The reason of the bullet sealed was to keep secret that
watchword while we were upon our own coast, lest any of the
company stealing from the fleet might bewray the same; which
known to an enemy, he might board us by night without mistrust,
having our own watchword.
Orders agreed upon by the Captains and Masters to be observed
by the fleet of Sir Humfrey Gilbert.
First, The Admiral to carry his flag by day, and his light by
night.
2. Item, if the Admiral shall shorten his sail by night, then
to shew two lights until he be answered again by every ship
shewing one light for a short time.
3. Item, if the Admiral after his shortening of sail, as
aforesaid, shall make more sail again; then he to shew three
lights one above another.
4. Item, if the Admiral shall happen to hull in the night,
then to make a wavering light over his other light, wavering the
light upon a pole.
5. Item, if the fleet should happen to be scattered by
weather, or other mishap, then so soon as one shall descry
another, to hoise both topsails twice, if the weather will
serve, and to strike them twice again; but if the weather serve
not, then to hoise the maintopsail twice, and forthwith to
strike it twice again.
6. Item, if it shall happen a great fog to fall, then
presently every ship to bear up with the Admiral, if there be
wind; but if it be a calm, then every ship to hull, and so to
lie at hull till it clear. And if the fog do continue long, then
the Admiral to shoot off two pieces every evening, and every
ship to answer it with one shot; and every man bearing to the
ship that is to leeward so near as he may.
7. Item, every master to give charge unto the watch to look
out well, for laying aboard one of another in the night, and in
fogs.
8. Item, every evening every ship to hail the Admiral, and so
to fall astern him, sailing thorough the ocean; and being on the
coast, every ship to hail him both morning and evening.
9. Item, if any ship be in danger in any way, by leak or
otherwise, then she to shoot off a piece, and presently to hang
out one light; whereupon every man to bear towards her,
answering her with one light for a short time, and so to put it
out again; thereby to give knowledge that they have seen her
token.
10. Item, whensoever the Admiral shall hang out her ensign in
the main shrouds, then every man to come aboard her as a token
of counsel.
11. Item, if there happen any storm or contrary wind to the
fleet after the discovery, whereby they are separated; then
every ship to repair unto their last good port, there to meet
again.
Our Course agreed upon.
The course first to be taken for the discovery is to bear
directly to Cape Race, the most southerly cape of Newfoundland;
and there to harbour ourselves either in Rogneux or Fermous,
being the first places appointed for our rendez-vous, and the
next harbours unto the northward of Cape Race: and therefore
every ship separated from the fleet to repair to that place so
fast as God shall permit, whether you shall fall to the
southward or to the northward of it, and there to stay for the
meeting of the whole fleet the space of ten days; and when you
shall depart, to leave marks.
Beginning our course from Scilly, the nearest is by
west-southwest (if the wind serve) until such time as we have
brought ourselves in the latitude of 43 or 44 degrees, because
the ocean is subject much to southerly winds in June and July.
Then to take traverse from 45 to 47 degrees of latitude, if we
be enforced by contrary winds; and not to go to the northward of
the height of 47 degrees of septentrional latitude by no means,
if God shall not enforce the contrary; but to do your endeavour
to keep in the height of 46 degrees, so near as you can
possibly, because Cape Race lieth about that height.
Note.
If by contrary winds we be driven back upon the coast of
England, then to repair unto Scilly for a place of our assembly
or meeting. If we be driven back by contrary winds that we
cannot pass the coast of Ireland, then the place of our assembly
to be at Bere haven or Baltimore haven. If we shall not happen
to meet at Cape Race, then the place of rendez-vous to be at
Cape Breton, or the nearest harbour unto the westward of Cape
Breton. If by means of other shipping we may not safely stay
there, then to rest at the very next safe port to the westward;
every ship leaving their marks behind them for the more
certainty of the after comers to know where to find them. The
marks that every man ought to leave in such a case, were of the
General's private device written by himself, sealed also in
close wax, and delivered unto every ship one scroll, which was
not to be opened until occasion required, whereby every man was
certified what to leave for instruction of after comers; that
every of us coming into any harbour or river might know who had
been there, or whether any were still there up higher into the
river, or departed, and which way.
Orders thus determined, and promises mutually given to be
observed, every man withdrew himself unto his charge; the
anchors being already weighed, and our ships under sail, having
a soft gale of wind, we began our voyage upon Tuesday, the 11.
day of June, in the year of our Lord 1583, having in our fleet
(at our departure from Cawset Bay) these ships, whose names and
burthens, with the names of the captains and masters of them, I
have also inserted, as followeth: - I. The Delight, alias the
George, of burthen 120 tons, was Admiral; in which went the
General, and William Winter, captain in her and part owner, and
Richard Clarke, master. 2. The bark Raleigh, set forth by Master
Walter Raleigh, of the burthen of 200 tons, was then
Vice-Admiral; in which went Master Butler, captain, and Robert
Davis, of Bristol, master. 3. The Golden Hind, of burthen 40
tons, was then Rear-Admiral; in which went Edward Haies, captain
and owner, and William Cox, of Limehouse, master. 4. The
Swallow, of burthen 40 tons; in her was captain Maurice Browne.
5. The Squirrel, of burthen 10 tons; in which went captain
William Andrews, and one Cade, master. We were in number in all
about 260 men; among whom we had of every faculty good choice,
as shipwrights, masons, carpenters, smiths, and such like,
requisite to such an action; also mineral men and refiners.
Besides, for solace of our people, and allurement of the
savages, we were provided of music in good variety; not omitting
the least toys, as morris-dancers, hobby-horse, and May-like
conceits to delight the savage people, whom we intended to win
by all fair means possible. And to that end we were
indifferently furnished of all petty haberdashery wares to
barter with those simple people.
In this manner we set forward, departing (as hath been said)
out of Cawset Bay the 11. day of June, being Tuesday, the
weather and wind fair and good all day; but a great storm of
thunder and wind fell the same night. Thursday following, when
we hailed one another in the evening, according to the order
before specified, they signified unto us out of the
Vice-Admiral, that both the captain, and very many of the men,
were fallen sick. And about midnight the Vice-Admiral forsook
us, notwithstanding we had the wind east, fair and good. But it
was after credibly reported that they were infected with a
contagious sickness, and arrived greatly distressed at Plymouth;
the reason I could never understand. Sure I am, no cost was
spared by their owner, Master Raleigh, in setting them forth;
therefore I leave it unto God. By this time we were in 48
degrees of latitude, not a little grieved with the loss of the
most puissant ship in our fleet; after whose departure the
Golden Hind succeeded in the place of Vice-Admiral, and removed
her flag from the mizen into the foretop. From Saturday, the 15.
of June, until the 28., which was upon a Friday, we never had
fair day without fog or rain, and winds bad, much to the
west-north-west, whereby we were driven southward unto 41
degrees scarce.
About this time of the year the winds are commonly west
towards the Newfoundland, keeping ordinarily within two points
of west to the south or to the north; whereby the course thither
falleth out to be long and tedious after June, which in March,
April, and May, hath been performed out of England in 22 days
and less. We had wind always so scant from west-north-west, and
from west-south-west again, that our traverse was great, running
south unto 41 degrees almost, and afterwards north into 51
degrees. Also we were encumbered with much fog and mists in
manner palpable, in which we could not keep so well together,
but were dissevered, losing the company of the Swallow and the
Squirrel upon the 20. day of July, whom we met again at several
places upon the Newfoundland coast the 3. of August, as shall be
declared in place convenient. Saturday, the 27. of July, we
might descry, not far from us, as it were mountains of ice
driven upon the sea, being then in 50 degrees, which were
carried southward to the weather of us; whereby may be
conjectured that some current doth set that way from the north.
Before we come to Newfoundland, about 50 leagues on this
side, we pass the bank, which are high grounds rising within the
sea and under water, yet deep enough and without danger, being
commonly not less than 25 and 30 fathom water upon them; the
same, as it were some vein of mountains within the sea, do run
along and from the Newfoundland, beginning northward about 52 or
53 degrees of latitude, and do extend into the south infinitely.
The breadth of this bank is somewhere more, and somewhere less;
but we found the same about ten leagues over, having sounded
both on this side thereof, and the other toward Newfoundland,
but found no ground with almost 200 fathom of line, both before
and after we had passed the bank. The Portugals, and French
chiefly, have a notable trade of fishing upon this bank, where
are sometimes an hundred or more sails of ships, who commonly
begin the fishing in April, and have ended by July. That fish is
large, always wet, having no land near to dry, and is called cod
fish. During the time of fishing, a man shall know without
sounding when he is upon the bank, by the incredible multitude
of sea-fowl hovering over the same, to prey upon the offals and
garbage of fish thrown out by fishermen, and floating upon the
sea.
Upon Tuesday, the II. of June we forsook the coast of
England. So again [on] Tuesday, the 30. of July, seven weeks
after, we got sight of land, being immediately embayed in the
Grand Bay, or some other great bay; the certainty whereof we
could not judge, so great haze and fog did hang upon the coast,
as neither we might discern the land well, nor take the sun's
height. But by our best computation we were then in the 5I
degrees of latitude. Forsaking this bay and uncomfortable coast
(nothing appearing unto us but hideous rocks and mountains, bare
of trees, and void of any green herb) we followed the coast to
the south, with weather fair and clear. We had sight of an
island named Penguin, of a fowl there breeding in abundance
almost incredible, which cannot fly, their wings not able to
carry their body, being very large (not much less than a goose)
and exceeding fat, which the Frenchmen use to take without
difficulty upon that island, and to barrel them up with salt.
But for lingering of time, we had made us there the like
provision.
Trending this coast, we came to the island called Baccalaos,
being not past two leagues from the main; to the south thereof
lieth Cape St. Francis, five leagues distant from Baccalaos,
between which goeth in a great bay, by the vulgar sort called
the Bay of Conception. Here we met with the Swallow again, whom
we had lost in the fog, and all her men altered into other
apparel; whereof it seemed their store was so amended, that for
joy and congratulation of our meeting, they spared not to cast
up into the air and over board their caps and hats in good
plenty. The captain, albeit himself was very honest and
religious, yet was he not appointed of men to his humour and
desert; who for the most part were such as had been by us
surprised upon the narow seas of England, being pirates, and had
taken at that instant certain Frenchmen laden, one bark with
wines, and another with salt. Both which we rescued, and took
the man-of-war with all her men, which was the same ship now
called the Swallow; following still their kind so oft as, being
separated from the General, they found opportunity to rob and
spoil. And because God's justice did follow the same company,
even to destruction, and to the overthrow also of the captain
(though not consenting to their misdemeanour) I will not conceal
anything that maketh to the manifestation and approbation of His
judgments, for examples of others; persuaded that God more
sharply took revenge upon them, and hath tolerated as great
outrage in others, by how much these went under protection of
His cause and religion, which was then pretended.
Therefore upon further enquiry it was known how this company
met with a bark returning home after the fishing with his
freight; and because the men in the Swallow were very near
scanted of victuals, and chiefly of apparel, doubtful withal
where or when to find and meet with their Admiral, they besought
the captain that they might go aboard this Newlander, only to
borrow what might be spared, the rather because the same was
bound homeward. Leave given, not without charge to deal
favourably, they came aboard the fisherman, whom they rifled of
tackle, sails, cables, victuals, and the men of their apparel;
not sparing by torture, winding cords about their heads, to draw
out else what they thought good. This done with expedition, like
men skilful in such mischief, as they took their cockboat to go
aboard their own ship, it was overwhelmed in the sea, and
certain of these men there drowned; the rest were preserved even
by those silly souls whom they had before spoiled, who saved and
delivered them aboard the Swallow. What became afterwards of the
poor Newlander, perhaps destitute of sails and furniture
sufficient to carry them home, whither they had not less to run
than 700 leagues, God alone knoweth; who took vengeance not long
after of the rest that escaped at this instant, to reveal the
fact, and justify to the world God's judgments inflicted upon
them, as shall be declared in place convenient.
[Footnote 3: See First Series, p. liii.]
Thus after we had met with the Swallow, we held on our course
southward, until we came against the harbour called St. John,
about five leagues from the former Cape of St. Francis, where
before the entrance into the harbour, we found also the frigate
or Squirrel lying at anchor; whom the English merchants, that
were and always be Admirals by turns interchangeably over the
fleets of fishermen within the same harbour, would not permit to
enter into the harbour. Glad of so happy meeting, both of the
Swallow and frigate in one day, being Saturday, the third of
August, we made ready our fights,3 and prepared to
enter the harbour, any resistance to the contrary
notwithstanding, there being within of all nations to the number
of 36 sails. But first the General despatched a boat to give
them knowledge of his coming for no ill intent, having
commission from her Majesty for his voyage he had in hand; and
immediately we followed with a slack gale, and in the very
entrance, which is but narrow, not above two butts' length,4
the Admiral fell upon a rock on the larboard side by great
oversight, in that the weather was fair, the rock much above
water fast by the shore, where neither went any sea-gate.5
But we found such readiness in the English merchants to help us
in that danger, that without delay there were brought a number
of boats, which towed off the ship, and cleared her of danger.
Having taken place convenient in the road, we let fall
anchors, the captains and masters repairing aboard our Admiral;
whither also came immediately the masters and owners of the
fishing fleet of Englishmen, to understand the General's intent
and cause of our arrival there. They were all satisfied when the
General had shewed his commission, and purpose to take
possession of those lands to the behalf of the crown of England,
and the advancement of the Chirstian religion in those paganish
regions, requiring but their lawful aid for repairing of his
fleet, and supply of some necessaries, so far as conveniently
might be afforded him, both out of that and other harbours
adjoining. In lieu whereof he made offer to gratify them with
any favour and privilege, which upon their better advice they
should demand, the like being not to be obtained hereafter for
greater price. So craving expedition of his demand, minding to
proceed further south without long detention in those parts, he
dismissed them, after promise given of their best endevour to
satisfy speedily his so reasonable request. The merchants with
their masters departed, they caused forthwith to be discharged
all the great ordnance of their fleet in token of our welcome.
[Footnote 4: Bow-shot.]
[Footnote 5: Current.]
Part II.
It was further determined that every ship of our fleet should
deliver unto the merchants and masters of that harbour a note of
all their wants: which done, the ships, as well English as
strangers, were taxed at an easy rate to make supply. And
besides, commmissioners were appointed, part of our own company
and part of theirs, to go into other harbours adjoining (for our
English merchants command all there) to levy our provision:
whereunto the Portugals, above other nations, did most willingly
and liberally contribute. In so much as we were presented, above
our allowance, with wines, marmalades, most fine rusk6
or biscuit, sweet oils, and sundry delicacies. Also we wanted
not of fresh salmons, trouts, lobsters, and other fresh fish
brought daily unto us. Moreover as the manner is in their
fishing, every week to choose their Admiral anew, or rather they
succeed in orderly course, and have weekly their Admiral's feast
solemnized: even so the General, captains, and masters of our
fleet were continually invited and feasted. To grow short in our
abundance at home the entertainment had been delightful; but
after our wants and tedious passage through the ocean, it seemed
more acceptable and of greater contentation, by how much the
same was unexpected in that desolate corner of the world; where,
at other times of the year, wild beasts and birds have only the
fruition of all those countries, which now seemed a place very
populous and much frequented.
The next morning being Sunday, and the fourth of August, the
General and his company were brought on land by English
merchants, who shewed unto us their accustomed walks unto a
place they call the Garden. But nothing appeared more than
nature itself without art: who confusedly hath brought forth
roses abundantly, wild, but odoriferous, and to sense very
comfortable. Also the like plenty of raspberries, which do grow
in every place.
[Footnote 6: Rusk (Sp. rosca) = ship's biscuit.]
Monday following, the General had his tent set up; who, being
accompanied with his own followers, summoned the merchants and
masters, both English and strangers, to be present at his taking
possession of those countries. Before whom openly was read, and
interpreted unto the strangers, his commission: by virtue
whereof he took possession in the same harbour of St. John, and
200 leagues every way, invested the Queen's Majesty with the
title and dignity thereof, had delivered unto him, after the
custom of England, a rod, and a turf of the same soil, entering
possession also for him, his heirs and assigns for ever; and
signified unto all men, that from that time forward, they should
take the same land as a territory appertaining to the Queen of
England, and himself authorised under her Majesty to possess and
enjoy it, and to ordain laws for the government thereof,
agreeable, so near as conveniently might be, unto the laws of
England, under which all people coming thither hereafter, either
to inhabit, or by way of traffic, should be subjected and
governed. And especially at the same time for a beginning, he
proposed and delivered three laws to be in force immediately.
That is to say the first for religion, which in public exercise
should be according to the Church of England. The second, for
maintenance of his Majesty's right and possession of those
territories, against which if any thing were attempted
prejudicial, the party or parties offending should be adjudged
and executed as in case of high treason, according to the laws
of England. The third, if any person should utter words sounding
to the dishonour of her Majesty, he should lose his ears, and
have his ship and goods confiscate.
These contents published, obedience was promised by general
voice and consent of the multitude, as well of Englishmen as
strangers, praying for continuance of this possession and
government begun; after this, the assembly was dismissed. And
afterwards were erected not far from that place the arms of
England engraven in lead, and infixed upon a pillar of wood. Yet
further and actually to establish this possession taken in the
right of her Majesty, and to the behoof of Sir Humfrey Gilbert,
knight, his heirs and assigns for ever, the General granted in
fee-farm divers parcels of land lying by the water-side, both in
this harbour of St. John, and elsewhere, which was to the owners
a great commodity, being thereby assured, by their proper
inheritance, of grounds convenient to dress and to dry their
fish; whereof many times before they did fail, being prevented
by them that came first into the harbour. For which grounds they
did covenant to pay a certain rent and service unto Sir Humfrey
Gilbert, his heirs or assigns for ever, and yearly to maintain
possession of the same, by themselves or their assigns.
Now remained only to take in provision granted, according as
every ship was taxed, which did fish upon the coast adjoining.
In the meanwhile, the General appointed men unto their charge:
some to repair and trim the ships, others to attend in gathering
together our supply and provisions: others to search the
commodities and singularities of the country, to be found by sea
or land, and to make relation unto the General what either
themselves could know by their own travail and experience, or by
good intelligence of Englishmen or strangers, who had longest
frequented the same coast. Also some observed the elevation of
the pole, and drew plots of the country exactly graded. And by
that I could gather by each man's several relation, I have drawn
a brief description of the Newfoundland, with the commodities by
sea or land already made, and such also as are in possibility
and great likelihood to be made. Nevertheless the cards and
plots that were drawn, with the due gradation of the harbours,
bays, and capes, did perish with the Admiral: wherefore in the
description following, I must omit the particulars of such
things.
That which we do call the Newfoundland, and the Frenchmen
Baccalaos, is an island, or rather, after the opinion of some,
it consisteth of sundry islands and broken lands, situate in the
north regions of America, upon the gulf and entrance of a great
river called St. Lawrence in Canada; into the which, navigation
may be made both on the south and north side of this island. The
land lieth south and north, containing in length between 300 and
400 miles, accounting from Cape Race, which is in 46 degrees 25
minutes, unto the Grand Bay in 52 degrees, of septentrional
latitude. The land round about hath very many goodly bays and
harbours, safe roads for ships, the like not to be found in any
part of the known world.
The common opinion that is had of intemperature and extreme
cold that should be in this country, as of some part it may be
verified, namely the north, where I grant it is more cold than
in countries of Europe, which are under the same elevation: even
so it cannot stand with reason and nature of the clime, that the
south parts should be so intemperate as the bruit hath gone. For
as the same do lie under the climes of Bretagne, Anjou, Poictou
in France, between 46 and 49 degrees, so can they not so much
differ from the temperature of those countries: unless upon the
out-coast lying open unto the ocean and sharp winds, it must
indeed be subject to more cold than further within the land,
where the mountains are interposed as walls and bulwarks, to
defend and to resist the asperity and rigour of the sea and
weather. Some hold opinion that the Newfoundland might be the
more subject to cold, by how much it lieth high and near unto
the middle region. I grant that not in Newfoundland alone, but
in Germany, Italy and Afric, even under the equinoctial line,
the mountains are extreme cold, and seldom uncovered of snow, in
their culm and highest tops, which cometh to pass by the same
reason that they are extended towards the middle region: yet in
the countries lying beneath them, it is found quite contrary.
Even so, all hills having their descents, the valleys also and
low grounds must be likewise hot or temperate, as the clime doth
give in Newfoundland: though I am of opinion that the sun's
reflection is much cooled, and cannot be so forcible in
Newfoundland, nor generally throughout America, as in Europe or
Afric: by how much the sun in his diurnal course from east to
west, passeth over, for the most part, dry land and sandy
countries, before he arriveth at the west of Europe or Afric,
whereby his motion increaseth heat, with little or no
qualification by moist vapours. Where[as], on the contrary, he
passeth from Europe and Afric unto America over the ocean, from
whence he draweth and carrieth with him abundance of moist
vapours, which do qualify and enfeeble greatly the sun's
reverberation upon this country chiefly of Newfoundland, being
so much to the northward. Nevertheless, as I said before, the
cold cannot be so intolerable under the latitude of 46, 47, and
48, especial within land, that it should be unhabitable, as some
do suppose, seeing also there are very many people more to the
north by a great deal. And in these south parts there be certain
beasts, ounces or leopards, and birds in like manner, which in
the summer we have seen, not heard of in countries of extreme
and vehement coldness. Besides, as in the months of June, July,
August and September, the heat is somewhat more than in England
at those seasons: so men remaining upon the south parts near
unto Cape Race, until after holland-tide,7 have not
found the cold so extreme, nor much differing from the
temperature of England. Those which have arrived there after
November and December have found the snow exceeding deep,
whereat no marvel, considering the ground upon the coast is
rough and uneven, and the snow is driven into the places most
declining, as the like is to be seen with us. The like depth of
snow happily shall not be found within land upon the plainer
countries, which also are defended by the mountains, breaking
off the violence of winds and weather. But admitting
extraordinary cold in those south parts, above that with us
here, it cannot be so great as in Swedeland, much less in
Moscovia or Russia: yet are the same countries very populous,
and the rigour of cold is dispensed with by the commodity of
stoves, warm clothing, meats and drinks: all of which need not
to be wanting in the Newfoundland, if we had intent there to
inhabit.
[Footnote 7: All-hallow-tide (November 1).]
In the south parts we found no inhabitants, which by all
likelihood have abandoned those coasts, the same being so much
frequented by Christians; but in the north are savages
altogether harmless. Touching the commodities of this country,
serving either for sustentation of inhabitants or for
maintenance of traffic, there are and may be made divers; so
that it seemeth that nature hath recompensed that only defect
and incommodity of some sharp cold, by many benefits; namely,
with incredible quantity, and no less variety, of kinds of fish
in the sea and fresh waters, as trouts, salmons, and other fish
to us unknown; also cod, which alone draweth many nations
thither, and is become the most famous fishing of the world;
abundance of whales, for which also is a very great trade in the
bays of Placentia and the Grand Bay, where is made train oil of
the whale; herring, the largest that have been heard of, and
exceeding the Marstrand herring of Norway; but hitherto was
never benefit taken of the herring fishing. There are sundry
other fish very delicate, namely, the bonito, lobsters, turbot,
with others infinite not sought after; oysters having pearl but
not orient in colour; I took it, by reason they were not
gathered in season.
Concerning the inland commodities, as well to be drawn from
this land, as from the exceeding large countries adjoining,
there is nothing which our east and northerly countries of
Europe do yield, but the like also may be made in them as
plentifully, by time and industry; namely, resin, pitch, tar,
soap-ashes, deal-board, masts for ships, hides, furs, flax,
hemp, corn, cables, cordage, linen cloth, metals, and many more.
All which the countries will afford, and the soil is apt to
yield. The trees for the most in those south parts are
fir-trees, pine, and cypress, all yielding gum and turpentine.
Cherry trees bearing fruit no bigger than a small pease. Also
peartrees, but fruitless. Other trees of some sort to us
unknown. The soil along the coast is not deep of earth, bringing
forth abundantly peasen small, yet good feeding for cattle.
Roses passing sweet, like unto our musk roses in form; raspises;
a berry which we call whorts, good and wholesome to eat. The
grass and herb doth fat sheep in very short space, proved by
English merchants which have carried sheep thither for fresh
victual and had them raised exceeding fat in less than three
weeks. Peasen which our countrymen have sown in the time of May,
have come up fair, and been gathered in the beginning of August,
of which our General had a present acceptable for the rareness,
being the first fruits coming up by art and industry in that
desolate and dishabited land. Lakes or pools of fresh water,
both on the tops of mountains and in the valleys; in which are
said to be muscles not unlike to have pearl, which I had put in
trial, if by mischance falling unto me I had not been letted
from that and other good experiments I was minded to make. Fowl
both of water and land in great plenty and diversity. All kind
of green fowl; others as big as bustards, yet not the same. A
great white fowl called of some a gaunt. Upon the land divers
sort of hawks, as falcons, and others by report. Partridges most
plentiful, larger than ours, grey and white of colour, and
rough-footed like doves, which our men after one flight did kill
with cudgels, they were so fat and unable to fly. Birds, some
like blackbirds, linnets, canary birds, and other very small.
Beasts of sundry kinds; red deer, buffles, or a beast as it
seemeth by the tract and foot very large, in manner of an ox.
Bears, ounces or leopards, some greater and some lesser; wolves,
foxes, which to the northward a little further are black, whose
fur is esteemed in some countries of Europe very rich. Otters,
beavers, marterns; and in the opinion of most men that saw it,
the General had brought unto him a sable alive, which he sent
unto his brother, Sir John Gilbert, Knight, of Devonshire, but
it was never delivered, as after I understood. We could not
observe the hundredth part of creatures in those unhabited
lands; but these mentioned may induce us to glorify the
magnificent God, who hath super-abundantly replenished the earth
with creatures serving for the use of man, though man hath not
used the fifth part of the same, which the more doth aggravate
the fault and foolish sloth in many of our nation, choosing
rather to live indirectly, and very miserably to live and die
within this realm pestered with inhabitants, than to adventure
as becometh men, to obtain an habitation in those remote lands,
in which nature very prodigally doth minister unto men's
endeavours, and for art to work upon. For besides these already
recounted and infinite more, the mountains generally make shew
of mineral substance; iron very common, lead, and somewhere
copper. I will not aver of richer metals; albeit by the
circumstances following, more than hope may be conceived
thereof.
For amongst other charges given to enquire out the
singularities of this country, the General was most curious in
the search of metals, commanding the mineral-man and refiner
especially to be diligent. The same was a Saxon8
born, honest, and religious, named Daniel. Who after search
brought at first some sort of ore, seeming rather to be iron
than other metal. The next time he found are, which with no
small show of contentment he delivered unto the General, using
protestation that if silver were the thing which might satisfy
the General and his followers, there it was, advising him to
seek no further; the peril whereof he undertook upon his life
(as dear unto him as the crown of England unto her Majesty, that
I may use his own words) if it fell not out accordingly.
[Footnote 8: Probably from the mining district of Lower
Saxony.]
Myself at this instant liker to die than to live, by a
mischance, could not follow this confident opinion of our
refiner to my own satisfaction; but afterward demanding our
General's opinion therein, and to have some part of the ore, he
replied, Content yourself, I have seen enough; and were it but
to satisfy my private humour, I would proceed no further. The
promise unto my friends, and necessity to bring also the south
countries within compass of my patent near expired, as we have
already done these north parts, do only persuade me further. And
touching the ore, I have sent it aboard, whereof I would have no
speech to be made so long as we remain within harbour; here
being both Portugals, Biscayans, and Frenchmen, not far off,
from whom must be kept any bruit or muttering of such matter.
When we are at sea, proof shall be made; if it be our desire, we
may return the sooner hither again. Whose answer I judged
reasonable, and contenting me well; wherewith I will conclude
this narration and description of the Newfoundland, and proceed
to the rest of our voyage, which ended tragically.
While the better sort of us were seriously occupied in
repairing our wants, and contriving of matters for the commodity
of our voyage, others of another sort and disposition were
plotting of mischief; some casting to steal away our shipping by
night, watching opportunity by the General's and captains' lying
on the shore; whose conspiracies discovered, they were
prevented. Others drew together in company, and carried away out
of the harbours adjoining a ship laden with fish, setting the
poor men on shore. A great many more of our people stole into
the woods to hide themselves, attending time and means to return
home by such shipping as daily departed from the coast. Some
were sick of fluxes, and many dead; and in brief, by one means
or other our company was diminished, and many by the General
licensed to return home. Insomuch as after we had reviewed our
people, resolved to see an end of our voyage, we grew scant of
men to furnish all our shipping; it seemed good therefore unto
the General to leave the Swallow with such provision as might be
spared for transporting home the sick people.
The captain of the Delight, or Admiral, returned into
England, in whose stead was appointed captain Maurice Browne,
before captain of the Swallow; who also brought with him into
the Delight all his men of the Swallow, which before have been
noted of outrage perpetrated and committed upon fishermen there
met at sea.
The General made choice to go in his frigate the Squirrel,
whereof the captain also was amongst them that returned into
England; the same frigate being most convenient to discover upon
the coast, and to search into every harbour or creek, which a
great ship could not do. Therefore the frigate was prepared with
her nettings and fights, and overcharged with bases and such
small ordnance, more to give a show, than with judgment to
foresee unto the safety of her and the men, which afterward was
an occasion also of their overthrow.
Now having made ready our shipping, that is to say, the
Delight, the Golden Hind, and the Squirrel, we put aboard our
provision, which was wines, bread or rusk, fish wet and dry,
sweet oils, besides many other, as marmalades, figs, limons
barrelled, and such like. Also we had other necessary provisions
for trimming our ships, nets and lines to fish withal, boats or
pinnaces fit for discovery. In brief, we were supplied of our
wants commodiously, as if we had been in a country or some city
populous and plentiful of all things.
We departed from this harbour of St. John's upon Tuesday, the
20. of August, which we found by exact observation to be in 47
degrees 40 minutes; and the next day by night we were at Cape
Race, 25 leagues from the same harborough. This cape lieth
south-south-west from St. John's; it is a low land, being off
from the cape about half a league; within the sea riseth up a
rock against the point of the cape, which thereby is easily
known. It is in latitude 46 degrees 25 minutes. Under this cape
we were becalmed a small time, during which we laid out hooks
and lines to take cod, and drew in less than two hours fish so
large and in such abundance, that many days after we fed upon no
other provision. From hence we shaped our course unto the island
of Sablon, if conveniently it would so fall out, also directly
to Cape Breton.
Sablon lieth to the seaward of Cape Breton about 25 leagues,
whither we were determined to go upon intelligence we had of a
Portugal, during our abode in St. John's, who was himself
present when the Portugals, above thirty years past, did put
into the same island both neat and swine to breed, which were
since exceedingly multiplied. This seemed unto us very happy
tidings, to have in an island lying so near unto the main, which
we intended to plant upon, such store of cattle, whereby we
might at all times conveniently be relieved of victual, and
served of store for breed.
In this course we trended along the coast, which from Cape
Race stretcheth into the north-west, making a bay which some
called Trepassa.9 Then it goeth out again towards the
west, and maketh a point, which with Cape Race lieth in manner
east and west. But this point inclineth to the north, to the
west of which goeth in the Bay of Placentia. We sent men on land
to take view of the soil along this coast, whereof they made
good report, and some of them had will to be planted there. They
saw pease growing in great abundance everywhere.
[Footnote 9: From the Baie des Trepasses at the Pointe du Raz
in Brittany,
from which Cape itself is named.]
The distance between Cape Race and Cape Breton is 87 leagues;
in which navigation we spent eight days, having many times the
wind indifferent good, yet could we never attain sight of any
land all that time, seeing we were hindered by the current. At
last we fell into such flats and dangers, that hardly any of us
escaped; where nevertheless we lost our Admiral10
with all the men and provisions, not knowing certainly the
place. Yet for inducing men of skill to make conjecture, by our
course and way we held from Cape Race thither, that thereby the
flats and dangers may be inserted in sea cards, for warning to
others that may follow the same course hereafter, I have set
down the best reckonings that were kept by expert men, William
Cox, Master of the Hind, and John Paul, his mate, both of
Limehouse. ... Our course we held in clearing us of these flats
was east-south-east, and south-east, and south, fourteen
leagues, with a marvellous scant wind.
Upon Tuesday, the 27. of August, toward the evening, our
General caused them in his frigate to sound, who found white
sand at 35 fathom, being then in latitude about 44 degrees.
Wednesday, toward night, the wind came south, and we bare with
the land all that night, west-north-west, contrary to the mind
of Master Cox; nevertheless we followed the Admiral, deprived of
power to prevent a mischief, which by no contradiction could be
brought to hold another course, alleging they could not make the
ship to work better, nor to lie otherways. The evening was fair
and pleasant, yet not without token of storm to ensue, and most
part of this Wednesday night, like the swan that singeth before
her death, they in the Admiral, or Delight, continued in
sounding of trumpets, with drums and fifes; also winding the
cornets and hautboys, and in the end of their jollity, left with
the battle and ringing of doleful knells. Towards the evening
also we caught in the Golden Hind a very mighty porpoise with a
harping iron, having first stricken divers of them, and brought
away part of their flesh sticking upon the iron, but could
recover only that one. These also, passing through the ocean in
herds, did portend storm. I omit to recite frivolous reports by
them in the frigate, of strange voices the same night, which
scared some from the helm.
[Footnote 10: The Delight.]
Thursday, the 29. of August, the wind rose, and blew
vehemently at south and by east, bringing withal rain and thick
mist, so that we could not see a cable length before us; and
betimes in the morning we were altogether run and folded in
amongst flats and sands, amongst which we found shoal and deep
in every three or four ships' length, after we began to sound:
but first we were upon them unawares, until Master Cox looking
out, discerned, in his judgment, white cliffs, crying Land!
withal; though we could not afterward descry any land, it being
very likely the breaking of the sea white, which seemed to be
white cliffs, through the haze and thick weather.
Immediately tokens were given unto the Delight, to cast about
to seaward, which, being the greater ship, and of burthen 120
tons, was yet foremost upon the breach, keeping so ill watch,
that they knew not the danger, before they felt the same, too
late to recover it; for presently the Admiral struck aground,
and had soon after her stern and hinder parts beaten in pieces;
whereupon the rest (that is to say, the frigate, in which was
the General, and the Golden Hind) cast about east-south-east,
bearing to the south, even for our lives, into the wind's eye,
because that way carried us to the seaward. Making out from this
danger, we sounded one while seven fathom, then five fathom,
then four fathom and less, again deeper, immediately four
fathom, then but three fathom, the sea going mightily and high.
At last we recovered, God be thanked, in some despair, to sea
room enough.
In this distress, we had vigilant eye unto the Admiral, whom
we saw cast away, without power to give the men succour, neither
could we espy any of the men that leaped overboard to save
themselves, either in the same pinnace, or cock, or upon
rafters, and such like means presenting themselves to men in
those extremities, for we desired to save the men by every
possible means. But all in vain, sith God had determined their
ruin; yet all that day, and part of the next, we beat up and
down as near unto the wrack as was possible for us, looking out
if by good hap we might espy any of them.
This was a heavy and grievous event, to lose at one blow our
chief ship freighted with great provision, gathered together
with much travail, care, long time, and difficulty; but more was
the loss of our men, which perished to the number almost of a
hundred souls. Amongst whom was drowned a learned man, a
Hungarian,11 born in the city of Buda, called thereof
Budaeus, who, of piety and zeal to good attempts, adventured in
this action, minding to record in the Latin tongue the gests and
things worthy of remembrance, happening in this discovery, to
the honour of our nation, the same being adorned with the
eloquent style of this orator and rare poet of our time.
Here also perished our Saxon refiner and discoverer of
inestimable riches, as it was left amongst some of us in
undoubted hope. No less heavy was the loss of the captain,
Maurice Brown, a virtuous, honest, and discreet gentleman,
overseen only in liberty given late before to men that ought to
have been restrained, who showed himself a man resolved, and
never unprepared for death, as by his last act of this tragedy
appeared, by report of them that escaped this wrack
miraculously, as shall be hereafter declared. For when all hope
was past of recovering the ship, and that men began to give
over, and to save themselves, the captain was advised before to
shift also for his life, by the pinnace at the stern of the
ship; but refusing that counsel, he would not give example with
the first to leave the ship, but used all means to exhort his
people not to despair, nor so to leave off their labour,
choosing rather to die than to incur infamy by forsaking his
charge, which then might be thought to have perished through his
default, showing an ill precedent unto his men, by leaving the
ship first himself. With this mind he mounted upon the highest
deck, where he attended imminent death, and unavoidable; how
long, I leave it to God, who withdraweth not his comfort from
his servants at such times.
[Footnote 11: Stephen Parmenius.]
In the mean season, certain, to the number of fourteen
persons, leaped into a small pinnace, the bigness of a Thames
barge, which was made in the Newfoundland, cut off the rope
wherewith it was towed, and committed themselves to God's mercy,
amidst the storm, and rage of sea and winds, destitute of food,
not so much as a drop of fresh water. The boat seeming
overcharged in foul weather with company, Edward Headly, a
valiant soldier, and well reputed of his company, preferring the
greater to the lesser, thought better that some of them perished
than all, made this motion, to cast lots, and them to be thrown
overboard upon whom the lots fell, thereby to lighten the boat,
which otherways seemed impossible to live, [and] offered himself
with the first, content to take his adventure gladly: which
nevertheless Richard Clarke, that was master of the Admiral, and
one of this number, refused, advising to abide God's pleasure,
who was able to save all, as well as a few. The boat was carried
before the wind, continuing six days and nights in the ocean,
and arrived at last with the men, alive, but weak, upon the
Newfoundland, saving that the foresaid Headly, who had been late
sick, and another called of us Brazil, of his travel into those
countries, died by the way, famished, and less able to hold out
than those of better health. . . . Thus whom God delivered from
drowning, he appointed to be famished; who doth give limits to
man's times, and ordaineth the manner and circumstance of dying:
whom, again, he will preserve, neither sea nor famine can
confound. For those that arrived upon the Newfoundland were
brought into France by certain Frenchmen, then being upon the
coast.
After this heavy chance, we continued in beating the sea up
and down, expecting when the weather would clear up that we
might yet bear in with the land, which we judged not far off
either the continent or some island. For we many times, and in
sundry places found ground at 50, 45, 40 fathoms, and less. The
ground coming upon our lead, being sometime oozy sand and other
while a broad shell, with a little sand about it.
Our people lost courage daily after this ill success, the
weather continuing thick and blustering, with increase of cold,
winter drawing on, which took from them all hope of amendment,
settling an assurance of worse weather to grow upon us every
day. The leeside of us lay full of flats and dangers, inevitable
if the wind blew hard at south. Some again doubted we were
ingulfed in the Bay of St. Lawrence, the coast full of dangers,
and unto us unknown. But above all, provision waxed scant, and
hope of supply was gone with loss of our Admiral. Those in the
frigate were already pinched with spare allowance, and want of
clothes chiefly: whereupon they besought the General to return
to England, before they all perished. And to them of the Golden
Hind they made signs of distress, pointing to their mouths, and
to their clothes thin and ragged: then immediately they also of
the Golden Hind grew to be of the same opinion and desire to
return home.
The former reasons having also moved the General to have
compassion of his poor men, in whom he saw no want of good will,
but of means fit to perform the action they came for, [he]
resolved upon retire: and calling the captain and master of the
Hind, he yielded them many reasons, enforcing this unexpected
return, withal protesting himself greatly satisfied with that he
had seen and knew already, reiterating these words: Be content,
we have seen enough, and take no care of expense past: I will
set you forth royally the next spring, if God send us safe home.
Therefore I pray you let us no longer strive here, where we
fight against the elements. Omitting circumstance, how
unwillingly the captain and master of the Hind condescended to
this motion, his own company can testify; yet comforted with the
General's promise of a speedy return at spring, and induced by
other apparent reasons, proving an impossibility to accomplish
the action at that time, it was concluded on all hands to
retire.
So upon Saturday in the afternoon, the 31. of August, we
changed our course, and returned back for England. At which very
instant, even in winding about, there passed along between us
and towards the land which we now forsook a very lion to our
seeming, in shape, hair, and colour, not swimming after the
manner of a beast by moving of his feet, but rather sliding upon
the water with his whole body, excepting the legs, in sight,
neither yet diving under, and again rising above the water, as
the manner is of whales, dolphins, tunnies, porpoises, and all
other fish: but confidently showing himself above water without
hiding: notwithstanding, we presented ourselves in open view and
gesture to amaze him, as all creatures will be commonly at a
sudden gaze and sight of men. Thus he passed along turning his
head to and fro, yawing and gaping wide, with ugly demonstration
of long teeth, and glaring eyes; and to bid us a farewell,
coming right against the Hind, he sent forth a horrible voice,
roaring or bellowing as doth a lion, which spectacle we all
beheld so far as we were able to discern the same, as men prone
to wonder at every strange thing, as this doubtless was, to see
a lion in the ocean sea, or fish in shape of a lion. What
opinion others had thereof, and chiefly the General himself, I
forbear to deliver: but he took it for bonum omen, rejoicing
that he was to war against such an enemy, if it were the devil.
The wind was large for England at our return, but very high, and
the sea rough, insomuch as the frigate, wherein the General
went, was almost swallowed up.
Monday in the afternoon we passed in sight of Cape Race,
having made as much way in little more than two days and nights
back again, as before we had done in eight days from Cape Race
unto the place where our ship perished. Which hindrance
thitherward, and speed back again, is to be imputed unto the
swift current, as well as to the winds, which we had more large
in our return. This Monday the General came aboard the Hind, to
have the surgeon of the Hind to dress his foot, which he hurt by
treading upon a nail: at which time we comforted each other with
hope of hard success to be all past, and of the good to come. So
agreeing to carry out lights always by night, that we might keep
together, he departed into his frigate, being by no means to be
entreated to tarry in the Hind, which had been more for his
security. Immediately after followed a sharp storm, which we
overpassed for that time, praised be God.
The weather fair, the General came aboard the Hind again, to
make merry together with the captain, master, and company, which
was the last meeting, and continued there from morning until
night. During which time there passed sundry discourses touching
affairs past and to come, lamenting greatly the loss of his
great ship, more of the men, but most of all his books and
notes, and what else I know not, for which he was out of measure
grieved, the same doubtless being some matter of more importance
than his books, which I could not draw from him: yet by
circumstance I gathered the same to be the ore which Daniel the
Saxon had brought unto him in the Newfoundland. Whatsoever it
was, the remembrance touched him so deep as, not able to contain
himself, he beat his boy in great rage, even at the same time,
so long after the miscarrying of the great ship, because upon a
fair day, when we were becalmed upon the coast of the
Newfoundland near unto Cape Race, he sent his boy aboard the
Admiral to fetch certain things: amongst which, this being
chief, was yet forgotten and left behind. After which time he
could never conveniently send again aboard the great ship, much
less he doubted her ruin so near at hand.
Herein my opinion was better confirmed diversely, and by
sundry conjectures, which maketh me have the greater hope of
this rich mine. For whereas the General had never before good
conceit of these north parts of the world, now his mind was
wholly fixed upon the Newfoundland. And as before he refused not
to grant assignments liberally to them that required the same
into these north parts, now he became contrarily affected,
refusing to make any so large grants, especially of St. John's,
which certain English merchants made suit for, offering to
employ their money and travail upon the same yet neither by
their own suit, nor of others of his own company, whom he seemed
willing to pleasure, it could be obtained. Also laying down his
determination in the spring following for disposing of his
voyage then to be re-attempted: he assigned the captain and
master of the Golden Hind unto the south discovery, and reserved
unto himself the north, affirming that this voyage had won his
heart from the south, and that he was now become a northern man
altogether.
Last, being demanded what means he had, at his arrival in
England, to compass the charges of so great preparation as he
intended to make the next spring, having determined upon two
fleets, one for the south, another for the north; Leave that to
me, he replied, I will ask a penny of no man. I will bring good
tidings unto her Majesty, who will be so gracious to lend me
10,000; pounds willing us therefore to be of good cheer; for he
did thank God, he said, with all his heart for that he had seen,
the same being enough for us all, and that we needed not to seek
any further. And these last words he would often repeat, with
demonstration of great fervency of mind, being himself very
confident and settled in belief of inestimable good by this
voyage; which the greater number of his followers nevertheless
mistrusted altogether, not being made partakers of those
secrets, which the General kept unto himself. Yet all of them
that are living may be witnesses of his words and protestations,
which sparingly I have delivered.
Leaving the issue of this good hope unto God, who knoweth the
truth only, and can at His good pleasure bring the same to
light, I will hasten to the end of this tragedy, which must be
knit up in the person of our General. And as it was God's
ordinance upon him, even so the vehement persuasion and entreaty
of his friends could nothing avail to divert him of a wilful
resolution of going through in his frigate; which was
overcharged upon the decks with fights, nettings, and small
artillery, too cumbersome for so small a boat that was to pass
through the ocean sea at that season of the year, when by course
we might expect much storm of foul weather. Whereof, indeed, we
had enough.
But when he was entreated by the captain, master, and other
his well-willers of the Hind not to venture in the frigate, this
was his answer: I will not forsake my little company going
homeward, with whom I have passed so many storms and perils. And
in very truth he was urged to be so over hard by hard reports
given of him that he was afraid of the sea; albeit this was
rather rashness than advised resolution, to prefer the wind of a
vain report to the weight of his own life. Seeing he would not
bend to reason, he had provision out of the Hind, such as was
wanting aboard his frigate. And so we committed him to God's
protection, and set him aboard his pinnace, we being more than
300 leagues onward of our way home.
By that time we had brought the Islands of Azores south of
us; yet we then keeping much to the north, until we had got into
the height and elevation of England, we met with very foul
weather and terrible seas, breaking short and high,
pyramid-wise. The reason whereof seemed to proceed either of
hilly grounds high and low within the sea, as we see hills and
vales upon the land, upon which the seas do mount and fall, or
else the cause proceedeth of diversity of winds, shifting often
in sundry points, all which having power to move the great
ocean, which again is not presently settled, so many seas do
encounter together, as there had been diversity of winds.
Howsoever it cometh to pass, men which all their lifetime had
occupied the sea never saw more outrageous seas. We had also
upon our mainyard an apparition of a little fire by night, which
seamen do call Castor and Pollux. But we had only one, which
they take an evil sign of more tempest; the same is usual in
storms.
Monday, the 9. of September, the afternoon, the frigate was
near cast away, oppressed by waves, yet at that time recovered;
and giving forth signs of joy, the General, sitting abaft with a
book in his hand, cried out to us in the Hind, so oft as we did
approach within hearing, We are as near to heaven by sea as by
land! Reiterating the same speech, well beseeming a soldier,
resolute in Jesus Christ, as I can testify he was.
The same Monday night, about twelve of the clock, or not long
after, the frigate being ahead of us in the Golden Hind,
suddenly her lights were out, whereof as it were in a moment we
lost the sight, and withal our watch cried the General was cast
away, which was too true. For in that moment the frigate was
devoured and swallowed up of the swea. Yet still we looked out
all that night, and ever after until we arrived upon the coast
of England; omitting no small sail at sea, unto which we gave
not the tokens between us agreed upon to have perfect knowledge
of each other, if we should at any time be separated.
In great torment of weather and peril of drowning it pleased
God to send safe home the Golden Hind, which arrived in Falmouth
the 22. of September, being Sunday, not without as great danger
escaped in a flaw coming from the south-east, with such thick
mist that we could not discern land to put in right with the
haven. From Falmouth we went to Darmouth, and lay there at
anchor before the Range, while the captain went aland to enquire
if there had been any news of the frigate, which, sailing well,
might happily have been before us; also to certify Sir John
Gilbert, brother unto the General, of our hard success, whom the
captain desired, while his men were yet aboard him, and were
witnesses of all occurrences in that voyage, it might please him
to take the examination of every person particularly, in
discharge of his and their faithful endeavor. Sir John Gilbert
refused so to do, holding himself satisfied with report made by
the captain, and not altogether despairing of his brother's
safety, offered friendship and courtesy to the captain and his
company, requiring to have his bark brought into the harbour; in
furtherance whereof a boat was sent to help to tow her in.
Nevertheless, when the captain returned aboard his ship, he
found his men bent to depart every man to his home; and then the
wind serving to proceed higher upon the coast, they demanded
money to carry them home, some to London, others to Harwich, and
elsewhere, if the barque should be carried into Dartmouth and
they discharged so far from home, or else to take benefit of the
wind, then serving to draw nearer home, which should be a less
charge unto the captain, and great ease unto the men, having
else far to go. Reason accompanied with necessity persuaded the
captain,who sent his lawful excuse and cause of this sudden
departure unto Sir John Gilbert, by the boat of Dartmouth, and
from thence the Golden Hind departed and took harbour at
Weymouth. All the men tired with the tediousness of so
unprofitable a voyage to their seeming, in which their long
expense of time, much toil and labour, hard diet, and continual
hazard of life was unrecompensed; their captain nevertheless by
his great charges impaired greatly thereby, yet comforted in the
goodness of God, and His undoubted providence following him in
all that voyage, as it doth always those at other times
whosoever have confidence in Him alone. Yet have we more near
feeling and perseverance of His powerful hand and protection
when God doth bring us together with others into one same peril,
in which He leaveth them and delivereth us, making us thereby
the beholders, but not partakers, of their ruin. Even so,
amongst very many difficulties, discontentments, mutinies,
conspiracies, sicknesses, mortality, spoilings, and wracks by
sea, which were afflictions more than in so small a fleet or so
short a time may be supposed, albeit true in every
particularity, as partly by the former relation may be
collected, and some I suppressed with silence for their sakes
living, it pleased God to support this company, of which only
one man died of a malady inveterate, and long infested, the rest
kept together in reasonable contentment and concord, beginning,
continuing, and ending the voyage, which none else did
accomplish, either not pleased with the action, or impatient of
wants, or prevented by death.
Thus have I delivered the contents of the enterprise and last
action of Sir Humfrey Gilbert, Knight, faithfully, for so much
as I thought meet to be published; wherein may always appear,
though he be extinguished, some sparks of his virtues, he
remaining firm and resolute in a purpose by all pretence honest
and godly, as was this, to discover, possess, and to reduce unto
the service of God and Christian piety those remote and heathen
countries of America not actually possessed by Christians, and
most rightly appertaining unto the crown of England, unto the
which as his zeal deserveth high commendation, even so he may
justly be taxed of temerity, and presumption rather, in two
respects, First, when yet there was only probability, not a
certain and determinate place of habitation selected, neither
any demonstration if commodity there in esse, to induce his
followers; nevertheless, he both was too prodigal of his own
patrimony and too careless of other men's expenses to employ
both his and their substance upon a ground imagined good. The
which falling, very like his associates were promised, and made
it their best reckoning, to be salved some other way, which
pleased not God to prosper in his first and great preparation
Secondly, when by his former preparation he was enfeebled of
ability and credit to perform his designments, as it were
impatient to abide in expectation better opportunity, and means
which God might raise, he thrust himself again into the action,
for which he was not fit, presuming the cause pretended on God's
behalf would carry him to the desired end. Into which having
thus made re-entry, he could not yield again to withdraw, though
he saw no encouragement to proceed; lest his credit, foiled in
his first attempt, in a second should utterly be disgraced.
Between extremities he made a right adventure, putting all to
God and good fortune; and, which was worst, refused not to
entertain every person and means whatsoever, to furnish out this
expedition, the success whereof hath been declared.
But such is the infinite bounty of God, who from every evil
deriveth good, For besides that fruit may grow in time of our
travelling into those north-west lands, the crosses, turmoils,
and afflictions, both in the preparation and execution of this
voyage, did correct the intemperate humours which before we
noted to be in this gentleman, and made unsavoury and less
delightful his other manifold virtues. Then as he was refined,
and made nearer drawing unto the image of God, so it pleased the
Divine will to resume him unto Himself whither both his and
every other high and noble mind have always aspired.
