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"There
hasn't been a single piece of law that has been passed
that doesn't take the charter into account"
Bob Rae - former
Ontario premier |
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Documents in History - A Primary View
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1823
The Monroe Doctrine
[The Monroe Doctrine was expressed during President Monroe's
seventh annual message to Congress, December 2, 1823]
. . . At the proposal of the Russian Imperial Government,
made through the minister of the Emperor residing here, a full
power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister of
the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable
negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two
nations on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar
proposal has been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government
of Great Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The
Government of the United States has been desirous by this
friendly proceeding of manifesting the great value which they
have invariably attached to the friendship of the Emperor and
their solicitude to cultivate the best understanding with his
Government. In the discussions to which this interest has given
rise and in the arrangements by which they may terminate the
occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as a principle in
which the rights and interests of the United States are
involved, that the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future
colonization by any European powers. . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a
great effort was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve
the condition of the people of those countries, and that it
appeared to be conducted with extraordinary moderation. It need
scarcely be remarked that the results have been so far very
different from what was then anticipated. Of events in that
quarter of the globe, with which we have so much intercourse and
from which we derive our origin, we have always been anxious and
interested spectators. The citizens of the United States cherish
sentiments the most friendly in favor of the liberty and
happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the Atlantic. In
the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport
with our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded
or seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation
for our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of
necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must
be obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The
political system of the allied powers is essentially different
in this respect from that of America. This difference proceeds
from that which exists in their respective Governments; and to
the defense of our own, which has been achieved by the loss of
so much blood and treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their
most enlightened citizens, and under which we have enjoyed
unexampled felicity, this whole nation is devoted. We owe it,
therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing
between the United States and those powers to declare that we
should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system
to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and
safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any
European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere.
But with the Governments who have declared their independence
and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great
consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not
view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European
power in any other light than as the manifestation of an
unfriendly disposition toward the United States. In the war
between those new Governments and Spain we declared our
neutrality at the time of their recognition, and to this we have
adhered, and shall continue to adhere, provided no change shall
occur which, in the judgement of the competent authorities of
this Government, shall make a corresponding change on the part
of the United States indispensable to their security. The late
events in Spain and Portugal shew that Europe is still
unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger proof can be
adduced than that the allied powers should have thought it
proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have
interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what
extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle,
is a question in which all independent powers whose governments
differ from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and
surely none of them more so than the United States. Our policy
in regard to Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the
wars which have so long agitated that quarter of the globe,
nevertheless remains the same, which is, not to interfere in the
internal concerns of any of its powers; to consider the
government de facto as the legitimate government for us; to
cultivate friendly relations with it, and to preserve those
relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting in all
instances the just claims of every power, submitting to injuries
from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances are
eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the
allied powers should extend their political system to any
portion of either continent without endangering our peace and
happiness; nor can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if
left to themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is
equally impossible, therefore, that we should behold such
interposition in any form with indifference. If we look to the
comparative strength and resources of Spain and those new
Governments, and their distance from each other, it must be
obvious that she can never subdue them. It is still the true
policy of the United States to leave the parties to themselves,
in hope that other powers will pursue the same course. . . .
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