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Chapter 5 |
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Chapter 8 |
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- Chapter 11 |
Voyages 2 - Chapter 12 |
Voyages 2 -
Chapter 13 | Voyages 2 -
Chapter 14 | Voyages 2 -
Chapter 15 | Voyages 2 -
Chapter 16 | Voyages 2 -
Chapter 17 | Voyages 2 -
Chapter 18 | Voyages 2 -
Chapter 19 |
Voyages 2 - Chapter 20
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| Voyages 2 - Chapter 26
| Voyages 2 - Chapter 27
| Voyages 2 - Chapter 28
Original translation from
the French by Charles Pomeroy Otis, Ph.D. Republished by
the Prince Society, Boston: 1878.
The voyages
to the great river St. Lawrence,
made by Sieur de Champlain,
Captain in ordinary to the King in the Marine,
from the year 1608 to that of 1612
CHAPTER III.
ARRIVAL AT QUEBEC, WHERE WE CONSTRUCTED OUR PLACE OF
ABODE; ITS SITUATION. CONSPIRACY AGAINST THE SERVICE OF
THE KING AND MY LIFE. BY SOME OF OUR MEN PUNISHMENT OF
THEM, AND ALL THAT TRANSPIRED OF THE AFFAIR.
From the Island of Orleans
to Quebec the distance is a league. I arrived there on
the 3d of July, when I searched for a place suitable for
our settlement, but I could find none more convenient or
better situated than the point of Quebec, so called by
the savages, [309] which was covered with nut-trees. I
at once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting
them down, that we might construct our habitation there:
one I set to sawing boards, another to making a cellar
and digging ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with
the barque to get supplies. The first thing we made was
the storehouse for keeping under cover our supplies,
which was promptly accomplished through the zeal of all,
and my attention to the work.
* * * * *
CHAMPLAIN'S EXPLANATION OF THE ACCOMPANYING MAP.
QUEBEC.
_The figures indicate the fathoms of water_.
_A_. The site where our habitation is built. [Note 1]
_B_. Cleared land where we sow wheat and other grain.
[Note 2]
_C_. The gardens.[Note 3]
_D_. small brook coming from marshes. [Note 4]
_E_. River where Jacques Cartier passed the winter,
which in his time he called St. Croix, and which name
has been transferred to a place fifteen leagues above
Quebec. [Note 5]
_F_. River of the marshes. [Note 6]
_G_. Place where was collected the grass for the animals
brought here. [Note 7]
_H_. The grand fall of Montmorency, which descends from
a height of more than twenty-five fathoms into the
river. [Note 8]
_I_. The end of the Island of Orleans.
_L_. A very narrow point on the shore east of Quebec.
[Note 9]
_M_. Roaring river which extends to the Etechemins.
_N_. The great river of St. Lawrence.
_O_. Lake in the roaring river.
_P_. Mountains in the interior; bay which I named New
Biscay,
_q_. Lake of the great fall of Montmorency. [Note 10]
_R_. Bear Brook. [Note 11]
_S_. Brook du Gendre. [Note 12]
_T_. Meadows overflowed at every tide.
_V_. Mont du Gas, very high, situated on the bank of the
river. [Note 13]
_X_. Swift brook, adapted to all kinds of mills.
_Y_. Gravelly shore where a quantity of diamonds are
found somewhat better than those of Alanson.
_Z_. The Point of Diamonds.
_9_. Places where the savages often build their cabins.
[Note 14]
NOTES. The following notes on Champlain's explanation of
his map of Quebec are by the Abbé Laverdière, whose
accurate knowledge of that city and its environs renders
them especially valuable. They are given entire, with
only slight modifications.
1. That is properly the point of Quebec, including what
is at present enclosed by La Place, the street Notre
Dame, and the river.
2. This first clearing must have been what was called
later the Esplanade du Fort, or Grande Place, or perhaps
both. The Grande Place became, in 1658, the fort of the
Hurons: it was the space included between the Côte of
the lower town and the Rue du Fort.
3. A little above the gardens, on the slope of the Côte
du Saut au Matelot, a cross is seen, which seems to
indicate that at that time the cemetery was where it is
said to be when it is mentioned some years later for the
first time.
4. According to the old plans of Quebec, these marshes
were represented to be west of Mont Carmel, and at the
foot of the glacis of the Citadel. The brook pulled
eastward of the grounds of the Ursulines and Jésuites,
followed for some distance the Rue de la Fabrique as far
as the enclosure of the Hôtel Dieu, to the east of which
it ran down the hill towards the foot of the Côte de la
Canoterie.
5. The river St. Charles. The letter E does not indicate
precisely the place where Jacques Quartier wintered, but
only the mouth of the river.
6. Judging from the outlines of the shore, this brook,
which came from the south-west, flowed into the harbor
of the Palais, towards the western extremity of the Parc.
7. This is probably what was called later the barn of
the Messieurs de la Compagnie, or simply La Grange, and
appears to have been somewhere on the avenue of Mont
Carmel.
8. The fall of Montmorency is forty fathoms or two
hundred and forty French feet, or even more.
9. Hence it is seen that in 1613 this point had as yet
no name. In 1629, Champlain calls it Cap de Lévis: it
can accordingly be concluded that this point derives its
name from that of the Duc de Ventadour, Henri de Lévis,
and that it must have been so named between the years
1625 and 1627, the time when he was regent.
10. The Lake of the Snows is the source of the western
branch of the Rivière du Saut.
11. La Rivière de Beauport, which is called likewise La
Distillerie.
12. Called later Ruisseau de la Cabaneaux Taupiers.
Rivière Chalisour, and finally Rivière des Fous, from
the new insane asylum, by the site of which it now
passes.
13. Height where is now situated the bastion of the Roi
à la Citadelle. This name was given it, doubtless, in
memory of M. de Monts, Pierre du Guast.
14. This figure appears not only at the Point du Cap
Diamant, but also along the shore of Beauport, and at
the end of the Island of Orleans.
* * * * *
Some days after my arrival at Quebec, a locksmith
conspired against the service of the king. His plan was
to put me to death, and, getting possession of our fort,
to put it into the hands of the Basques or Spaniards,
then at Tadoussac, beyond which vessels cannot go, from
not having a knowledge of the route, nor of the banks
and rocks on the way.
In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped
to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst
characters, as he supposed, telling them a thousand
falsehoods, and presenting to them prospects of
acquiring riches.
These four men, having been won over, all promised to
act in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their
side; so that, for the time being, I had no one with me
in whom I could put confidence, which gave them still
more hope of making their plan succeed: for four or five
of my companions, in whom they knew that I put
confidence, were on board of the barques, for the
purpose of protecting the provisions and supplies
necessary for our settlement.
In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their
intrigues with those who remained, that they were on the
point of gaining all over to their cause, even my
lackey, promising them many things which they could not
have fulfilled.
Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as
to how they should put me to death, so as not to be
accused of it, which they found to be a difficult thing.
But the devil, blindfolding them all and taking away
their reason and every possible difficulty, they
determined to take me while unarmed, and strangle me; or
to give a false alarm at night, and shoot me as I went
out, in which manner they judged that they would
accomplish their work sooner than otherwise. They made a
mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty that
the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded.
They were to execute their plan in four days, before the
arrival of our barques, otherwise they would have been
unable to carry out their scheme.
On this very day, one of our barques arrived, with our
pilot, Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the
barque was unloaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac,
there came to him a locksmith, named Natel, an associate
of Jean du Val, the head of the conspiracy, who told him
that he had promised the rest to do just as they did;
but that he did not in fact desire the execution of the
plot, yet did not dare to make a disclosure in regard to
it, from fear of being poniarded.
Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make
no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if
his companions should discover it, they would put him to
death. The pilot gave him his assurance in all
particulars, and asked him to state the character of the
plot which they wished to carry out. This Natel did at
length, when the pilot said to him: "My friend, you have
done well to disclose such a malicious design, and you
show that you are an upright man, and under the guidance
of the Holy Spirit. But these things cannot be passed by
without bringing them to the knowledge of Sieur de
Champlain, that he may make provision against them; and
I promise you that I will prevail upon him to pardon you
and the rest. And I will at once," said the pilot, "go
to him without exciting any suspicion; and do you go
about your business, listening to all they may say, and
not troubling yourself about the rest."
The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was
having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me
in a private place, where we could be alone. I readily
assented, and we went into the wood, where he related to
me the whole affair. I asked who had told it to him. He
begged me to pardon him who had made the disclosure,
which I consented to do, although he ought to have
addressed himself to me. He was afraid, he replied, that
you would become angry, and harm him. I told him that I
was able to govern myself better than that, in such a
matter; and desired him to have the man come to me, that
I might hear his statement. He went, and brought him all
trembling with fear lest I should do him some harm. I
reassured him, telling him not to be afraid; that he was
in a place of safety, and that I should pardon him for
all that he had done, together with the others, provided
he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the
whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to
it. "Nothing," he said, "had impelled them, except that
they had imagined that, by giving up the place into the
hands of the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become
rich, and that they did not want to go back to France."
He also related to me the remaining particulars in
regard to their conspiracy.
After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to
go about his work. Meanwhile, I ordered the pilot to
bring up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two
bottles of wine to a young man, directing him to say to
these four worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that
it was a present of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac
had given him, and that he wished to share it with them.
This they did not decline, and at evening were on board
the barque where he was to give them the entertainment.
I lost no time in going there shortly after; and caused
them to be seized, and held until the next day.
Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had
all get up, for it was about ten o'clock in the evening,
and pardoned them all, on condition that they would
disclose to me the truth in regard to all that had
occurred; which they did, when I had them retire.
The next day I took the depositions of all, one after
the other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of
the vessel, which I had put down in writing; and they
were well pleased, as they said, since they had lived
only in fear of each other, especially of the four
knaves who had ensnared them. But now they lived in
peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the treatment
which they had received.
The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the
authors of the conspiracy: one for our surgeon, named
Bonnerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the
four conspirators had accused, which, however, proved
false, and consequently they were given their liberty.
This being done, I took my worthies to Tadoussac,
begging Pont Gravé to do me the favor of guarding them,
since I had as yet no secure place for keeping them, and
as we were occupied in constructing our places of abode.
Another object was to consult with him, and others on
the ship, as to what should be done in the premises. We
suggested that, after he had finished his work at
Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec with the prisoners,
where we should have them confronted with their
witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order
justice to be done according to the offence which they
had committed.
I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the
completion of our storehouse, so as to secure our
provisions, which had been misused by all those
scoundrels, who spared nothing, without reflecting how
they could find more when these failed; for I could not
obviate the difficulty until the storehouse should be
completed and shut up.
Pont Gravé arrived some time after me, with the
prisoners, which caused uneasiness to the workmen who
remained, since they feared that I should pardon them,
and that they would avenge themselves upon them for
revealing their wicked design.
We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed
before them all which they had stated in their
depositions, the prisoners not denying it, but admitting
that they had acted in a wicked manner, and should be
punished, unless mercy might be exercised towards them;
accursing, above all, Jean du Val, who had been trying
to lead them into such a conspiracy from the time of
their departure from France. Du Val knew not what to
say, except that he deserved death, that all stated in
the depositions was true, and that he begged for mercy
upon himself and the others, who had given in their
adherence to his pernicious purposes.
After Pont Gravé and I, the captain of the vessel,
surgeon, mate, second mate, and other sailors, had heard
their depositions and face to face statements, we
adjudged that it would be enough to put to death Du Val,
as the instigator of the conspiracy; and that he might
serve as an example to those who remained, leading them
to deport themselves correctly in future, in the
discharge of their duty; and that the Spaniards and
Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the
country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that
the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they
should be taken to France and put into the hands of
Sieur de Monts, that such ample justice might be done
them as he should recommend; that they should be sent
with all the evidence and their sentence, as well as
that of Jean du Val, who was strangled and hung at
Quebec, and his head was put on the end of a pike, to be
set up in the most conspicuous place on our fort.
ENDNOTES:
309. Champlain here plainly means to say that the
Indians call the narrow place in the river _Quebec_. For
this meaning of the word, viz., narrowing of waters, in
the Algonquin language, the authority is abundant.
Laverdière quotes, as agreeing with him in this view,
Bellenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. "The narrowing of the
river," says Charlevoix, "gave it the name of _Quebeio_
or _Quebec_, which in the _Algonquin_ language signifies
_contraction_. The Abenaquis, whose language is a
dialect of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which
signifies something shut up."--_Charlevoix's Letters_,
pp. 18, 19. Alfred Hawkins, in his "Historical
Recollections of Quebec," regards the word of Norman
origin, which he finds on a seal of the Duke of Suffolk,
as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious: but it
requires some other characteristic historical facts to
challenge our belief. When Cartier visited Quebec, it
was called by the natives Stadacone. --_Vide Cartier's
Brief Récit_, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, p. 14.
Sources/Notes:
Samuel de Champlain.
1567-1635. "Voyages of Samuel de Champlain"
Edited by Edmund F. Slafter, (Boston: Prince Society
1878)
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